Suchergebnisse

The article explains some possible consequences of the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) signed by Colombia and the United States, discussing the meaning of free trade between the world first economic power and the undeveloped country. Based on the experience of the FTA between Mexico and USA, is discussed how actually this treaty has deepened the structural imbalances of the Mexican economy and society, as an example of the results that Colombians should expect. After analyzing the impact that will have the FTA in Colombia, is concluded that this process will intensify the appendicular character of our economic and social development, within the conditions of actual transnational work division. Finally, is emphasized the country's incapacity to successful face the challenges of the FTA, due to prevailing social, economic and political conditions. ; En el artículo se evalúan los alcances del tratado de libre comercio entre Colombia y los Estados Unidos, a partir del esclarecimiento de lo que representa el mal llamado libre comercio entre la primera potencia económica del mundo y un país atrasado como el nuestro. Con base en la experiencia del TLC entre México y EE.UU. se muestra cómo en la práctica este tratado ha profundizado los desequilibrios estructurales de la economía y la sociedad mexicanas, lo cual es un ejemplo de lo que nos espera a los colombianos. Al analizar el impacto que tendrá el TLC en Colombia, se corrobora cómo este proceso intensificará aún más el carácter apendicular de nuestro desarrollo económico y social dentro de la actual división transnacional del trabajo. Finalmente, se resalta la incapacidad del país para enfrentar exitosamente los retos del TLC, debido a las condiciones socioeconómicas y políticas imperantes.

According to the United Nations Population Fund, in October 2011 the world population reached 7 billion people, 3456.8 millions of whom are women.In the U.S.A, the total population is 313.1 million in 2011. Of those, 158.5 million are women, which means a little bit more than a half. In this country the people eligible to vote in 2008 reached more than 218 million, 55% of whom are women.The numbers are similar in Switzerland. With a total population of 7.7 million people, the country has 3.9 million of women – again, just a little bit more than the half –, and 54% of the Swiss eligible to vote are women (2010).However, the current representation of women in politics around the world does not reflect the population data. At parliamentary level worldwide, the percentage of women who occupies seats as deputies or senators is 19.2% and 17.8% respectively. These means that even though the historical representation of women in politics has been rising, the number of males representatives still is overwhelmingly higher.For reference only, the minimum percentage that is consider necessary for a fair and considerable representation of ideas that can influence the decision making is about 30%.In January 1918 the 19th Amendment of the USA Constitution was included in the political agenda for the discussion of the House of Representatives and the Senate. The president of USA, Woodrow Wilson, recognizing the woman's support to their country during the war, urged the politicians to vote in favor of the amendment. The Representatives passed the amendment on May 1919, and the Senate did the same on June. Thereafter, the approval was in hands of each state. More than twenty states ratified it within six months. Thirty six were needed to include the amendment into the Constitution, and Tennessee turned out to be the one which had the final decision. After a very close vote, just one of the legislators changed his opinion and the woman's right to vote was approved. Literally, the 19th amendment says: "The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex.Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation." With those two simple lines, the activist women of the USA, who had been fighting for their right to vote for more than seven decades, finally achieved their goal and the history of American women in politics change forever.On the other hand, Switzerland is the last European country that allowed its women to vote at national level. Many say that it was due to the decisions take longer to be taken in a direct democracy. But there, it took too long.The Swiss society can be consider as patriarchal, conservative, traditional and with marked streaks sexist, which is exemplifiedin the traditional perception of the woman's role as restricted to 'kinder, kirche und kuche' ('children, church and kitchen'), still valid specially in German-speaking regions.However, the active feminist movements exist since long time ago, and they fight not only for the woman's right to vote, but also for legal equality and the empowerment of women in all aspects.By 1962, with the intention to sign the European Convention of Human Rights, the government of Switzerland asked for an exception about the legal equality of genders – specifically for the women's right to vote -. Against this, the associations pro the female suffrage protested, and the commotion forced the authorities to review that posture. So, a referendum was decided by the government in 1968, and the public consultation took place in February 1971. Finally, the results were different. More than six hundred thousand (about 66%) Swiss men said YES to the women's right to vote, so since then all Swiss women are allowed to vote at national level.Furthermore, on October 31 of the same year, there was a parliamentary election in Switzerland, and eleven women were elected to be part of it.The United States of American and Switzerland differs in many aspects, such as size, population, traditions and history. However, both have also some things in common. They both took too long to allow their women to vote, granting with that a better political equality.Their political regime is pretty similar, both are democratic countries. In the process of getting the female suffrage the USA parliament, as well as the Swiss, played a key role since the decision of including the issue into the constitutional order should, in the first instance, be approved by the legislature. But after the parliament passed it, the next step was different within the two countries. USA led the final decision to the local governments, while in Switzerland was the people who had to finish the process. This means that in the European country the men citizens had the final word instead of the parliamentarians, who should represent the interest of all citizens, men and women. There is then, a social matter. Switzerland is a multicultural country with a big percentage of foreigners among its residents, four official languages, and a rich history of immigration. Nevertheless, the Swiss society is mostly conservative and traditional, in particular its regions of German´s descendants and residents, not so the French or Italians. The facts speak by themselves: in the referendum of 1959, only three cantons voted for allow the Swiss women to vote, all three were 'French'; while in the 'German' canton call Appenzell Innerrhoden, the amount of No votes was about 95%. Another point that can be considered as a difference within the two countries concerning the female struggle, are their leaders. Both, the American and the Swiss movement, had notorious female leaders. They were all active politicians and were deeply committed to the cause, which contributes to the organization of the movements and also to the well development of the activities.However, the American female leaders, although they were largely convinced of the injustice of gender inequality, none of them had high-level education. The abolitionist Elizabeth Cady Stanton was a writer, but she never took college studies. Lucretia Mott was a school teacher; and Susan B. Anthony just dedicated her entire life to the fight for women's rights. Except for Stanton (she was a lawyer's daughter), they didn't came from high educated families. Meanwhile, the most famous leader of the Swiss movement for women's right to vote, Josi Meier had a different background. Her real name was Josephine Johanna Meier, but was also known as the 'Grand Old Lady'. She died in 2006 at the age of eighty. Meier, who also came from a poor family, graduated as a lawyer in 1952, but had been defending women's right for a long time. When the right to vote for women was finally awarded in 1971, she became one of the members of the Lucerne cantonal parliament, and some month later she was among the eleven women elected as parliamentary representatives. Moreover, Meier took place in the Senate some years later and in 1991 became the first woman ever to be the Senate's speaker.It is worth comparing also the opposition that the movements had to face in both countries. The resistance to the women's right to vote, in USA as in Switzerland, had the objective of stop the progressive movements, defended the traditional order of the society and, as Nicole Herz (1992) describes, "'Antis' had to re-define the scope of woman's sphere and put government back into the male's sphere". Furthermore, the opposition in USA and in Switzerland used to use the same arguments to fight against the change. The religious beliefs were common among the opposition movements. The 'God word' and the biblical commandments that assure women were made to be men's support, good wives and exemplary mothers, dedicated to their homes and children, were some of the weapons of the anti-suffragist. Coming from conservative education, they believed that 'women belong to the kitchen' and there they must remain. Political issues were thought to be rude and complicated so only men should handle it, women would lose their femininity if they involved in politics. Other of the arguments was that the basis of the family, and therefore of society, was the women's homemakers, so if women get their right to vote, then they would had less time to do it and the families would lose their foundations, so the society would derail.Finally, there is one last fact that both, USA and Switzerland, had in common. It was the influence of an external factor into their government decision of do something about the right to vote for women. In the USA it was the World War I. In Switzerland, the Cold War.During the First World War (1914 – 1918) the American women began to be part of the work force of the country while the men went to fight in the battlefield. Doing this, women helped to sustain the USA economy developing their labor in traditional male occupations. After that, they used it as a weapon and strong argument for their struggle for suffrage right. If they were strong enough to work as men, their opinion should also be important enough in politics as men's. The men and the government must recognized it, and they had not any strong argument against the women's claim anymore. On the other hand, the Swiss government was afraid about the national security during the Cold War. Given the geopolitical situation and the small size of Switzerland, the Communist could saw it as a strategic war point. For that reason, the government thought in expand and strengthen its military force, including women into it. Again, the Swiss women, as the Americans, argued that the demand of their labor force should be compensated by granting the right that they had been fighting for. Moreover, in Switzerland there was also another factor that there was not in USA. The integration with the European region, materialized in the signing of the European Convention of Human Rights, needed the government to catch up its settings, so the legal equality should be guaranteed. The willing of being part of the region in such a difficult time as the Cold War, pushed the Swiss government to move forward in the woman's right to vote issue.The United States of America, as well as Switzerland, witnessed the long struggle for the female right to vote but, what are the current results of it? How much equality have today those countries in political terms? Have their women real participation in politics nowadays?According to the Interparliamentary Union ranking, in 2010 Switzerland was positioned as the 26th country with more women in parliamentary, while USA was in the 70th position with only 89 women among 532 legislators. Although some researchers suggest that the American women are more likely to participate in elections by making use of their right to vote than men; the USA politics still have a lot to improve in order to eliminate the gender gap in political area. On its part, Switzerland has less inequality in politics, but still is not absolutely equal. The Swiss Executive Branch is comprised of seven members, all with equal decision power, and one of them is named, by rotation, Federal President. The first woman elected as President was Ruth Dreifuss, who took place of the position in 1999.In 2010 for the first time, three women were occupying high political positions in the Swiss government simultaneously. Moreover, in September 22 of the same year, after one more woman was elected as minister, the Executive was composed by four women and three men, marking the first time ever that the Swiss government has a female majority. To sum up, unlike USA, which has never had a woman as President; Switzerland seems to be more progressive when it comes to high positions in politics nowadays. *Estudiante de la Licenciatura en Estudios Internacionales.FACS - Universidad ORT Uruguay

With a population of more than 45 million, Latinos have become a significant demographic group within the United States. Increasingly, Latinos are part of and represent diverse political, social, and economic institutions throughout the United States. How did this phenomenon begin? Which are the historical conditions that explain this increase in the Latino population? What do we mean when we refer to Latinos as a particular demographic group within the United States? These are some of the questions that Ilan Stavans and Lalo Alcaraz (2000) approach in their graphic book Latino USA: A Cartoon History. Through the analysis of this graphic book, I analyze the topic of history and, specifically, the production of a historical graphic narrative about Latinos in the United States. I argue that Latino USA shows that history is a polyvocal narrative in which different voices are involved. Besides hegemonic representations of reality, it is possible to find different perspectives and points of view from which facts are interpreted. Besides analyzing the content of the text, I explore who, how, and why produces that text. In other words, I analyze the author's own position in her/his text in relation to the material that she/he writes about.

La presente entrevista es una lectura los discursos estratégicos norteamericanos, en particular desde la caída del muro de Berlín, y de la articulación entre la lógica militar y económica en marcha por las administraciones de Clinton, y luego de Bush. Las ideas que el autor emite en este trabajo prolongan su tesis del imperio del caos como imagen para caracterizar la situación global contemporánea.

With the exception of Dominican Generalissimo Máximo Gómez, no other foreign-born hero of Cuba's War for Independence is so admired and beloved by Cubans as Major General Carlos Roloff Mialofsky, «The Polish "Mambí"». This article examines Roloff's activities in the United States, organizing Cuban expatriates prior to and during the War of Independence (1895-1898). Emphasis is placed on Roloff's penchant for organization, his leadership, and his mastery of deceit in coordinating expeditions in the United States right under the noses of American authorities and Spanish agents. «The Polish "Mambí's"» efforts in the United States were major factors in securing Cuba's freedom. ; A excepción del generalísimo dominicano Máximo Gómez, ningún héroe extranjero de la guerra de Independencia cubana es tan admirado y estimado por los cubanos como lo es el mayor general Carlos Roloff Mialofsky, «El "Mambí" polaco».Este artículo tiene como propósito examinar las actividades del general Roloff como uno de los líderes de la comunidad de expatriados cubanos en los Estados Unidos antes de la guerra de Independencia cubana y durante dicha guerra (1895-1898). El artículo enfatiza el liderazgo de Roloff, su don de organizador y su maestría en la coordinación de expediciones militares desde los Estados Unidos, burlándose de oficiales norteamericanos y agentes españoles. Los esfuerzos del «"Mambí" polaco» fueron de gran valor para alcanzar la libertad cubana.

Este trabajo está centrado en la elaboración de un análisis comparado relativo al control y regulación sobre materia religiosa en los medios de comunicación en Europa y Estados Unidos. El análisis explora inicialmente las principales definiciones y tipos de control social, político y jurídico en materia religiosa en los medios de comunicación públicos y privados en Europa y Estados Unidos. Sobre todo en el ámbito de la programación en radio y televisión. Un análisis comparado desarrollado en tres áreas: El poder de los medios de comunicación en la sociedad y su necesidad de control jurídico. Esfera de control. Definición y límites del control jurídico en Estados Unidos y Europa: moralidad pública y protección del menor, difamación, lenguaje que promueve la violencia y censura. Programación en los medios de comunicación públicos y privados y los nuevos retos en la era digital y vía satélite en materia religiosa. ; This presentation is focused on a comparative analysis of legal control and regulations regarding to religion and media in Europe and United States. The analysis initially explores the main definitions and different types of social, political and legal control regarding to religion in public and private media in Europe and United States, specially referred to radio and television programs. The comparative analysis is developed through three topics: Power of media in the society and the need of legal control. Scope of control. Defining the limits of legal control in US and Europe: public morality and protection of minors, libel, hate speech and censorship. Public and private broadcasting and the new challenges of the satellite and digital era regarding to religion.En alemán:Die vorliegende Arbeit beruht auf der Erarbeitung einer vergleichenden Untersuchung bezogen auf die juridische Überwachung und die gesetzlichen Regelungen bei der Behandlung religiöser Themen in den öffentlichen und den privatrechtlichen Medien in Europa und den USA, vor allem unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Rundfunk- und Fernsehprogrammgestaltung. Eine vergleichende Studie, die auf drei Gebieten durchgeführt wird: Die Macht der Medien in der Gesellschaft und die Notwendigkeit der juristischen Überwachung. Der Überwachungsbereich. Seine Definition und die Grenzen der juridischen Überwachung in den USA und in Europa: Öffentliche Moral und Minderjährigenschutz, Diffamierung, gewaltverherrlichende Sprache und Zensur. Die Programmgestaltung in den öffentlichen und privaten Medien sowie die neuen Herausforderungen im religiösen Bereich, im digitalen Zeitalter sowie im Zeitalter der Satelittenübertragung.

Este artículo analiza el impacto que ha tenido el contrato celebrado entre el consumidor y el mercado del crédito en general y la obra legislativa al respecto en Argentina, Portugal y Mexico. Nuestro estudio se completa con una aproximación estimativa sobre el llamado régimen de segunda oportunidad propio de USA, al ser este sistema el considerado como el más favorecedor para la situación de sobreen-deudamiento del deudor persona física. Se pone de manifiesto la necesidad de una prevención del sobre-endeudamiento de la persona física ,que fue el origen de la crisis financiera y retrasa la recuperación eco-nómica en países como España o Portugal

Este trabajo de grado consiste en una aproximación a la relación derecho y arte desde la libertad artística, bajo el cargo especifico de obscenidad en el arte; se trata de la comprensión de un derecho a través de un límite en particular, pero más que por el derecho mismo, por lo que este deja al descubierto frente a la relación derecho y arte. Siguiendo con la crítica que los estudios de derecho y arte hacen a las formas tradicionales de asumir los límites jurídicos al arte, como no problemáticos, esta tesis tiene la necesidad de poner en evidencia la complejidad de este derecho y lo que está en juego en el mismo, que va más allá del derecho de libertad artística, con el significado político que pueda tener, hacia definiciones sobre qué es lo artístico, quien define esto, cuál es la capacidad del arte para amenazar el status quo, qué capacidad tiene el derecho para comprender el movimiento postmoderno en el arte, etc.; por lo que más que una conceptualización de qué significa la libertad artística, cómo está configurada o quiénes son los sujetos de este derecho, se trata de problematizar la relación derecho y arte a partir de dicha libertad, y el entendimiento de esta a través de la libertad de expresión, usando en esta oportunidad el cargo específico de obscenidad. ; Abstract. This work is an approach to the relationship between the Law and the Arts since the Artistic Freedom, using the specific charge of obscenity in arts; It is the comprehension of one freedom trough a particular limit but not mainly because this freedom but for the relationship between the Law and the Arts. Continuing with the critics that the studies of law and image have maken to the traditional form of manage the juridical limits in art, as not problematic, this work have the need to show the complexity of that right and what is in involved, this go beyond the artistic freedom, including the politic meaning inside of this right, to the question about what is the artistic in law, who determined this, what is the power of the art to risking the status quo, what is the law's capacity to understand the postmodern art, etc. It is because this work is not focus in the conceptualization or the meaning of the artistic freedom, neither the configuration or the subjects in that right, this work try to problematizing the relationship between law and art using the artistic freedom, and problematizing the comprehension of this right trough the freedom of expression, using in this case the specific charge of obscenity. ; Maestría

To look back at a fundamental fact of the history of housing construction, as it was prefabrication in the United States in the immediate years after the Second World War, allows us to analyze the phenomenon from various points of view: professional, technical, economic, political, but where the most important should always be the social. The prefabrication was used only as a means to try to remedy a situation of housing need at a certain time, lowering costs and offering construction speed and not as the real solution to all the problems faced by the American society in those moments Therefore, what can we learn from this experience in our current situation and in the face of the imminent fourth Industrial Revolution? ; Volver la mirada a un hecho fundamental de la historia de la construcción de viviendas como lo fue la prefabricación en los Estados Unidos en los años inmediatos después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial de la mano de una empresa concreta (Levitt & Sons), nos permite analizar el fenómeno desde diversos puntos de vista: profesional, técnico, económico, político, pero en donde el más importante debería ser siempre el social. La prefabricación fue utilizada solo como un medio para tratar de remediar una situación de necesidad de viviendas en una época determinada, abaratando costos y ofertando rapidez de construcción y no como la solución real a todos los problemas a los que se enfrentaba la sociedad estadounidense en aquellos momentos. Por lo tanto ¿qué podemos aprender de esta experiencia en nuestra situación actual?

To look back at a fundamental fact of the history of housing construction, as it was prefabrication in the United States in the immediate years after the Second World War, allows us to analyze the phenomenon from various points of view: professional, technical, economic, political, but where the most important should always be the social. The prefabrication was used only as a means to try to remedy a situation of housing need at a certain time, lowering costs and offering construction speed and not as the real solution to all the problems faced by the American society in those moments Therefore, what can we learn from this experience in our current situation and in the face of the imminent fourth Industrial Revolution? ; Volver la mirada a un hecho fundamental de la historia de la construcción de viviendas como lo fue la prefabricación en los Estados Unidos en los años inmediatos después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial de la mano de una empresa concreta (Levitt & Sons), nos permite analizar el fenómeno desde diversos puntos de vista: profesional, técnico, económico, político, pero en donde el más importante debería ser siempre el social. La prefabricación fue utilizada solo como un medio para tratar de remediar una situación de necesidad de viviendas en una época determinada, abaratando costos y ofertando rapidez de construcción y no como la solución real a todos los problemas a los que se enfrentaba la sociedad estadounidense en aquellos momentos. Por lo tanto ¿qué podemos aprender de esta experiencia en nuestra situación actual?

Este artículo investiga la existencia de afinidades entre la protagonista de la serie televisiva Political Animals, creada por Greg Berlanti para USANetwork, y la candidata política Hillary Clinton. Con este objetivo, siguiendo principalmente la s pautas de Van Dijk, se va a utilizar para el estudio un Análisis Crítico del Discurso, metodología que permitirá relacionar texto y contexto. La discusión de los resultados se organizará en torno a dos núcleos principales: patriotismo y persuasión. ; The aim of this paper is to study the similarities between the protagonist of the show Political Animals, created by Greg Berlanti fo r USA-Network, and the political candidate Hillary Clinton. With this purpose, we use the Critical Discourse Analysis developed by Van Dijk that will enable us to li nk text and context. The discussion of the results is organized around two main core points: patriotism and persuasion.

Si bien la mayoría de lo que se expresa a continuación se concentra en las matemáticas, mucho se aplica igualmente a las ciencias y a la ingeniería. En todo caso, y dada la situación por la que estas áreas pasan en la primera década de este siglo, es crucial para nuestra supervivencia que mejoremos la formación y capacitación en todas ellas. Porque la competencia global requiere que la fabricación sea más eficiente, más automatizada y más segura, por lo que las herramientas matemáticas de hoy, increíblemente sofisticadas, se deben aprender a utilizar con más eficiencia en el análisis de los grandes conjuntos de datos en, por ejemplo, la investigación médica, la ingeniería y la economía, pero también en la formación de políticas gubernamentales sobre energía y otros recursos. Desde mediados del siglo XX se comenzaron esfuerzos para corregir esta debilidad en los Estados Unidos, cuando se percibió como un problema por parte de los militares. En parte porque el lanzamiento del Sputnik en 1957 los atemorizó tanto que se embarcaron en un programa para fortalecer el sistema interno. Este impulso los llevó a 1975 cuando, al final de la Guerra de Vietnam, los recortes en NASA y los problemas económicos que sufrió el país hicieron que la atención nacional se orientara a otras cosas, y el programa quedó a la deriva. ; Revista Antioqueña de las Ciencias Computacionales y la Ingeniería de Software RACCIS, 8(1), 3-4.

This article reviews the process of dialogue between the European Union and the Andean Community of Nations. It analyses whether the Andean countries could satisfy the European requirements for the signature of Association Agreements. According to the author, there are several political and institutional obstacles that inhibit the Andean countries to consolidate their space at the international arena. An association agreement with the European Union could foster cooperation actions aimed at strengthening social cohesion at the Andean Region. ; Este artículo pasa revista al proceso de diálogo entre la Unión Europea y la Comunidad Andina. Los requerimientos establecidos por la UE para los acuerdos de asociación y la posibilidad de que los mismos sean cumplidos por los países de la CAN son analizados por el autor, quien señala que la falta de "profundidad" y una serie de obstáculos políticos e institucionales están vigentes en el grupo andino, lo que de alguna forma restringe la consolidación de espacios a nivel internacional. García señala que un Acuerdo de Asociación con la UE podría fortalecer la cooperación en lo que a cohesión social andina se refiere.

Dal Poz, M. E., Brisolla, S. de N. (2001). La red de innovaciones en la investigación genómica en los Estados Unidos. Redes 8(17), 127-150. ; Este trabajo analiza la organización de la red de investigación genómica en los EUA y su capacidad de originar innovaciones para los sectores de farmacia, alimentos y agricultura. Esta área de investigación presenta peculiares características de organización debido al conjunto de factores imprescindibles para su desarrollo: alto costo de la investigación, exigencia de integración de recursos humanos calificados en muchas áreas de conocimiento e intenso trabajo científico. El planteo de este problema remite a la necesidad de negociación entre universidades, empresas y gobierno, de modo que, como resultado de innumerables iniciativas entre estas tres instituciones, tanto los Institutos de investigación como las empresas industriales son llevadas hacia la introducción de la innovación. Este proceso implica múltiples dinámicas, en las esferas de producción de conocimientos, el mercado y en las fuerzas resultantes de las interacciones entre las dos. El encuadre metodológico que originó el análisis bajo estas tres perspectivas es provisto por los conceptos desarrollados en el modelo de la Triple Hélice (Etzkowitz y Leydesdorff, 1996). El patrón de integración entre los componentes de la red comprende innumerables formas de vinculación y de colaboración institucional. La utilización de mecanismos de aproximación también incluyó el uso compartido de recursos complementarios, tales como bases de datos y laboratorios. Las dinámicas de producción de conocimientos y de mercado son establecidas y coordinadas por instrumentos legales. ; In this paper the organization of the research network in genomics in the USA as well as the hability of it to produce innovations in the pharmaceutical, food and agricultural sectors are analyzed. This field of research has particular organizational characteristics due to the set of factors absolute necessary for the development of it: high costs of research, requirement for integration of highly qualified human resources in many fields of knowledge and intensive scientific work. The outlining of these problems call for the need of negotiations among universities, firms and government, such as, as a result of initiatives among these three institutions, both research institutions as industrial enterprises are led to introduce innovations. This process involves many different dynamics, in the fields of knowledge production, market as well as in the resulting forces from interaction between those two. The methodological approach, which gave origin to the analysis from these three standpoints, is provided by the concepts developed in the Triple Helix Model (Etzkowitz and Leydesdorff, 1996). The pattern of integration among the different components of the network includes multiple forms of connection and institutional cooperation. The use of approach techniques included as well the common use of additional resources, such as databases and laboratories. The dynamics of production of knowledge and market dynamics are set and co-ordinated by means of legal instruments.

Título anterior de la publicación : Boletín de la Comisión Española de la UNESCO ; En este ensayo se analiza la situación tensa que se vive a finales de 1984 cuando Estados Unidos comunica mediante una carta dirigida a la Unesco su intención irrevocable de separarse de la Unesco y romper todo hilo de contacto y colaboración que mantenía con la organización hasta ese momento. Entre los motivos que alegó destacaron la 'politización' de la organización, la denigración del Estado de Israel, la difusión de conceptos culturales contrarios a los ideales occidentales y el estricto control que ejercía la organización sobre los medios de comunicación. Según Estados Unidos, la Unesco se encontraba poco más que al servicio de la Unión Soviética con la intención de nacionalizar la educación, la ciencia, la cultura y la información a expensas de las instituciones libres, de los derechos individuales y de los valores del espíritu. ; Ministerio Educación CIDE ; Biblioteca de Educación del Ministerio de Educación, Cultura y Deporte; Calle San Agustín, 5 - 3 Planta; 28014 Madrid; Tel. +34917748000; biblioteca@mecd.es ; ESP