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The author of this article presents initiatives of the Republic of Kazakhstan to develop cooperation with the European Union that was initiated through 2000 - 2009. In 2000 the Republic of Kazakhstan proposed to EU Comment cooperation doctrine in Central Asia. The purpose of the doctrine lied in expanding cooperation in the areas of trade, economy and investment; in granting access to commodities and services from European markets; in developing collaboration in the areas of energy, transport, communication, finance and banking. In 2006 Kazakhstan introduced a new set of prepossess to the new European Union Strategy for Central Asian 2007-2013 that was developed under the chairmanship of Germany of the EU in the first half of 2007. The Strategy covered areas of cooperation such as regional integration, economic development, democratization, energy and security. In 2008 under the instructions of the President of Kazakhstan Ministry of Foreign Affairs in cooperation with other ministries developed a state programme "Path to Europe" for 2009 - 2011, which aided the priorities of cooperation between Kazakhstan and the European Union. "Path to Europe" has become a key initiative of the Kazakh foreign policy that was successfully implemented, as well as the most important document aimed at modernization of the national economy and the Kazakh society. In the beginning of2009 using the accumulated positive experience of cooperation with the EU and experience of a number of countries in Europe and Asia, Kazakhstan devised and submitted a concept of a new treaty which was supposed to replace the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement of 1995. The Republic of Kazakhstan's influence eventually persuaded the European Union to agree on the necessity of devising the Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement.

"This is a collection of conference papers that discuss the causes, dynamics, demographic impact, and consequences of the pan-Soviet famines of 1931-33, the Ukrainian Holodomor, the Kazakh great hunger, and the terrible famine of 1959-61 in China produced by the Great Leap Forward."--

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), previously known as the Shanghai Five, was formed in June 2001 as a security engagement organization. It is a highly influential organization in the Eurasian continent, and most Central Asian countries – Kazakhstan included - are members of SCO, as well as China.
In recent years, the Chinese water diplomacy towards Kazakhstan has advanced in different agreements that are shaping the patterns of water security in Central Asia. The Chinese strategic interest in the development of the scope of the SCO in this region has made Kazakh transboundary water issues to advance in negotiations. However, these agreements have been made in a bilateral scheme, which is considered relatively unequal towards Kazakh interests; therefore, in spite of the Kazakh efforts, the SCO so far has not turned into a water security organization.
This paper is going to analyze the current trends in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, as well as the Sino-Kazakh cooperation platform, especially regarding transboundary water resources. From the perspective of the critical geopolitics scholarship and its considerations regarding the concepts of hegemony and zones of influence, the idea that the Sino-Kazakh cooperation has advanced following Chinese interests is going to be defended. In conclusion, this paper states that due to the lack of interest regarding Chinese water diplomacy, and despite of Kazakh efforts, the SCO is not in the near future launching great initiatives regarding water security in the region, reinforcing the Chinese diplomacy of bilateral water agreements.
Recebido em 14/04/2021Aprovado em 19/09/2021

Over the last decade, the oil demand on the Chinese market has been growing at a vigorous rate, and oil imports have continued to rise on an annual basis. In 2003, with its oil imports exceeding those of Japan, China emerged as the world's second largest oil-importing country behind the United States. Today, imports make up 35% of the total amount of oil consumed in China. In the current composition of China's oil imports, the Middle East accounts for about 50%, Africa for 25%, the Asia-Pacific Region for 15%, and Central Asia and Russia together for about 10%, thus constituting more than 90% of the country's crude oil imports delivered via sea transport corridors. During the first half of 2006, China's crude oil output reached 91.66 million tonnes, an increase of 2.1% over the previous period. And oil imports reached 82.36 million tonnes, an increase of 21.3% over the previous period. It should be added that 70.33 million tonnes of these imports were crude oil, constituting an increase of 17.6%, while the import of petroleum products reached 12.03 million tonnes, i.e. an increase of 48.3%. Thus, China's oil dependence increased to reach 47.3% in the first half year. It is estimated that by 2020, the oil shortage in China will amount to 50-60%, and this deficit will largely have to be compensated by relying on oil imports. The factors influencing the import and export of oil are becoming increasingly complicated, so much so that oil import is no longer merely a trade issue, but has become embroiled in politics, diplomacy, and many other issues. World oil trade is largely complicated by the fact that oil energy has become a major resource, the scarcity of which could jeopardize a nation's economic security. More energy reserves mean more staying power for economic growth and greater guarantee of economic security. The worldwide geographical distribution of oil resources means that, in terms of oil demand, most countries and regions are in rivalry with each other. Most countries in need of oil are taking steps to maximize oil imports. As world competition intensifies, international disputes on energy trade will focus on limiting oil exports rather than oil imports. In order to enhance the situation, National Energy Security Guarantees have been drawn up aimed at accelerating globalization of the energy industry and making the utilization of foreign oil resources a priority. The uneven geographical distribution of oil resources means that oil exploration, development, and sales must be raised to a global level. From the national viewpoint, oil is a strategic material that is indispensable in some cases, and under these circumstances its value cannot be measured in monetary terms. The practice of drilling oil overseas and selling it on the overseas market indisputably affects how countries manage their economies and contributes to drawing up international strategy for the oil industry. China must further improve its management of oil imports and exports and find a more convenient way to import oil from overseas. Seeking new partners for energy development should be urgently placed on the country's agenda in order to meet strategic needs. While continuing to expand oil trade with the Middle East, it is imperative for China to strengthen economic cooperation with Russia and other oil-producing countries in the Caspian Sea, Central Asia, Southeast Asia, and Latin America, as well as reduce the risks by maximizing the geographical distribution of oil import sources, 1 while carrying out a strategy aimed at diversifying energy supplies. China is setting its sights on Russia and the Central Asian states, which are functioning as energy suppliers for the countries contiguous to them.

The article explores the political foundations of cooperation between the Ukrainian state and foreign Ukrainians. The state of protection of their rights in their countries of residence is analyzed. The need for detailed legislative regulation of the mechanism of interaction with the Ukrainian diaspora is being considered, which will positively affect the political image of Ukraine. The author considers that preserving the centers of national identity of the Ukrainian diaspora abroad provides considerable opportunities for utilizing the potential of popular diplomacy to promote Ukraine's national interests in the international arena, strengthening international and regional cooperation. At present, an institutional mechanism has been established in Ukraine in the sphere of development of relations with foreign Ukrainians and their associations. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine is responsible for this area. The author considers that an important aspect in securing the rights and cooperation with the Ukrainian diaspora is the approval by the Government of the State program of cooperation with foreign Ukrainians. Currently, the State Program for Cooperation with Foreign Ukrainians by 2020, approved by the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine of Ukraine, is relevant. The article analyzes the influence of foreign Ukrainians on political image. The author argues that Foreign Ukrainians play a significant role in establishing Ukraine in the international community. It is an important demographic, intellectual, socio - cultural and information resource of the country. At the present stage, Ukraine's national interests require state support for maintaining the Ukrainian identity of the diaspora, including ensuring that its rights and freedoms are properly maintained, promoting the preservation of the Ukrainian language and culture in the diaspora environment, assisting in the implementation of educational programs and projects within Ukrainian communities.

Cooperation between neighboring countries, Polish and Ukraine has a rich history. If you want to talk about the cooperation of local government units between the two countries you must also make a comparison of the legal systemsof both countries in this field. The aim of the article is therefore the analysis of the legislation governing the functioning of local government units in the crossborder cooperation and also attempt to compare them and draw conclusions andassessment of cooperation between local Polish and Ukrainian .

The cooperation of Polish and Ukrainian partner cities has changed significantly since the beginning of the war in Ukraine in 2022. Traditional widely spread cultural programmes and projects were displaced by humanitarian assistance. Ukrainian cities (authorities) and the entire Ukrainian society affected by the war received the support mostly from Poland. The following research shows how cooperation between Polish-Ukrainian partner cities has changed in terms of law, areas of cooperation, the geography of the expanded partnership, and forms and types of assistance since 24 February 2022. Selected examples of partnership cooperation between Ukrainian-Polish cities are analysed taking account of a significant number of initiatives and programmes.

The following paper summarises Polish experience related to current cross-border cooperation in the scope of spatial planning. The first part presents the legal basis of cross-border cooperation and strategic-planning documents developed so far. The second part focuses on cooperation with the Ukrainian side, both at the level of state administration and working groups developing elaborations for both parts of the border region. It includes a detailed description of the development of one of them — the map of investment projects of the Polish part of the Polish-Ukrainian border region. It presents the scope of works, manner of preparing the maps and the text, and results of the works.

As national strategies continue to advance international scientific cooperation, the collaboration between China and Ukraine has been steadily maturing. To clarify the present status of Sino-Ukrainian collaboration and offer insights for its future development, this paper focuses on co-authored publications between China and Ukraine documented on Web of Science from 1993 to 2022. Employing methodologies such as bibliometrics, social network analysis, and visualization techniques, this study comprehensively explores various perspectives including publication trends, collaborative interdisciplinary fields, participating institutions. Through this multi-faceted approach, the current state of scientific cooperation between the two countries is summarized, culminating in proposed strategies and recommendations for the future development of Sino-Ukrainian scientific and technological collaboration.

The article retrospectively considers the Chinese investments in the Kazakhstan economy, including the corresponding framework agreement signed in 2015. The improvement of the information policy of Kazakhstan concerning the disclosure of information on investment projects is noted. Therefore, the volume of Chinese investments in the Kazakhstan economy exaggerated among the population. In this regard, the Kazakhstan Government must work actively to attract investments, especially after the January events in Kazakhstan.

As is known, Central Asia is an important strategic element of the U.S.'s foreign policy. It is interesting both from the energy perspective and in the context of Washington's expanding geopolitical influence in the region. Today, the U.S.'s key objectives in Central Asia are as follows: First, establishment of dominant positions in Central Asia.The Washington administration is striving to assert its dominance in Central Asia by playing on the contradictions between the countries in the region, on the one hand, and Russia and China, on the other. U.S. interests would be best served by the following scenario: The maximum possible weakening of Russia and maintaining a balance of forces between the Central Asian states without any one of them playing a dominant role. This is a long-term priority. Military-political rapprochement with one or several Central Asian countries is essential for the implementation of U.S. plans. Second, broader access to Central Asia's energy resourcesis one of the most powerful incentives for the U.S.'s foreign policy. In this context, U.S. military presence in Afghanistan increases the chances of the successful implementation of U.S. lobbied southand west-bound pipeline projects in Central Asia. Third, advancement of Western democratic ideals and valuesis an important U.S. priority in Central Asia, as, incidentally, in other parts of the world. It is an open secret that the U.S.'s apparently democratic slogans oftentimes serve as a cover for rather pragmatic goals, specifically, increasing other countries' loyalty to U.S. foreign policy that often does not conform to the rules of international law and looks openly aggressive. This interest is usually secured by financing various nongovernmental organizations and media outlets on the part of American private and state foundations. Consider: On 1 March, 2006, a House subcommittee endorsed a Central Asian Democracy Act, under which $188 million was earmarked for support of democracy in all five Central Asian states in 2006 and following years. Thus, U.S. interests in Central Asia can be subdivided into three main groups-military-political, economic, and ideological,which are achieved by expanding contacts with the Central Asian states in all spheres. Military-political cooperation is one of the main priority areas for the United States, which is due to the increasing role that the fight against international terrorism plays in Washington's foreign policy. As a result, this aspect of U.S. relations with other countries has a most profound impact on the transformation of global political processes.