Suchergebnisse

This volume explores the dynamics and divisions within the Ulster Loyalist paramilitary groups in Northern Ireland since the mid-1970s, including the Ulster Volunteer Force, the Ulster Defence Association and the Red Hand Commando

On the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Northern Ireland 'Troubles', Ulster's once dominant unionists are an increasingly alienated people. In this timely assessment of the prospects for peace, Steve Bruce examines the embittered world-view of two key sections of Ulster unionism: the loyalist terrorists and the evangelical supporters of Ian Paisley. To get to the heart of the unionist position he asks how they see the last twenty-five years, what they want from the future, what they think they will get, what they will accept, and what they will fight to oppose. Professor Bruce describes the Troubles as a deeply entrenched ethnic conflict. He argues that a failure to appreciate the strength of loyalist identity has prevented a proper understanding of the Troubles and that continued neglect of the majority makes strategies for peace pointless or counter-productive

Paramilitary actors involved in peace processes are expected to contribute to two distinct forms of protection: national-level protection as 'security'; and local-level security as 'safety'. Examining the case of the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) in Northern Ireland, we explain how these two forms of protection have become interlinked in the Good Friday/Belfast Agreement (GF/BA) and the related peace process. Instead of generating a virtuous cycle, this has created a dilemma between providing protection as 'safety' and as 'security'. Drawing on interviews with key UDA-affiliated actors in 2009–10, against the backdrop of increasing 'dissident Republican' violence, we assess how they navigated this dilemma, and its potential effects on the unfolding political context, calling for greater attention to the relationship between different conceptions of protection in peace processes.

Paramilitary actors involved in peace processes are expected to contribute to two distinct forms of protection: national-level protection as 'security'; and local-level security as 'safety'. Examining the case of the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) in Northern Ireland, we explain how these two forms of protection have become interlinked in the Good Friday/Belfast Agreement (GF/BA) and the related peace process. Instead of generating a virtuous cycle, this has created a dilemma between providing protection as 'safety' and as 'security'. Drawing on interviews with key UDA-affiliated actors in 2009-10, against the backdrop of increasing 'dissident Republican' violence, we assess how they navigated this dilemma, and its potential effects on the unfolding political context, calling for greater attention to the relationship between different conceptions of protection in peace processes. Adapted from the source document.

The Ulster Defence Association (UDA) and the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF); position of Ian Paisley and the Democratic Unionist party.

Examines fundraising activities of the two main loyalist paramilitary groups, the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) and the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF). Pt. 1, In defense of the realm: financing loyalist terrorism in Northern Ireland; pt. 2, Drink, drugs, and rock 'n' roll: financing loyalist terrorism in Northern Ireland. Role of extortion and blackmail of small and large businesses and on building sites, risk of corruption among senior ranking loyalists, drinking clubs, robberies, drug trafficking, the Loyalist Volunteer Force (LVF) "rat pack", counterfeiting, fuel rackets, and other frauds.

This article examines attempts to develop formalised structures for association football in regional Ulster in the late Victorian and early Edwardian periods. Using the counties of Donegal, Tyrone, Fermanagh and Cavan as case studies, it will be shown that many clubs in these areas were rather isolated from the hearth of activity in the north-east of the province and developed independently without the assistance of the Irish Football Association. These regional soccer administrators struggled to organise their own county structures and instead relied heavily on cross-county fixtures. The failure of association football to develop a coherent identity throughout each of these counties is discussed while the importance of patronage and the railway network in the organisation of matches is highlighted.

Since its foundation in the early 1920s, Northern Ireland remains a difficult tourist destination to promote, despite clear similarities to its neighbours in climate and attractions. Tourism has however played a key role in state-building and image-shaping in Northern Ireland, being used to showcase the region's modernity but also borrowing from contested images of rural Ireland. The activities and advertising of the Ulster Tourist Development Association (UTDA), a voluntary, government-backed organisation which promoted tourism in the early years of the new statelet, can cast a light on the politics of the troubled region, and help us understand the power of tourist media in shaping public discourse and eliciting public debate on a wide number of issues connected to identity, development, and dependency. The UTDA and its members show us some of the ways in which Northern Ireland navigated modernity in the first twenty years of existence through tourism, as well as highlighting the importance of personalities and local elites in its development and culture.

Politisches Interesse, Einstellung zur deutsch-deutschen
Vereinigung und zur Vereinigung Europas, Einschätzung von
politischen Parteien und Politikern, Bewertung der vergangenen
und zukünftigen Situation in der DDR.

Themen: Wichtigkeit verschiedener Lebensbereiche und
gesellschaftlicher Entwicklungen; Kompetenzeinschätzung
verschiedener Parteien hierzu; Sonntagsfrage; politisches
Interesse; Kompetenzeinschätzung politischer Persönlichkeiten;
präferierter Weg der deutsch-deutschen Vereinigung; Interesse an
eigener politischer Aktivität; Wahlverhalten am 18. März 1990 und
Einflußfaktoren auf die Wahlentscheidung; Einstellungen zur
politischen Führungspersönlichkeit und Führungsschicht;
Einstellung zur Gleichberechtigung zwischen Mann und Frau;
politisches Interesse; Haltung zur DDR; präferierter Weg der
deutsch-deutschen Vereinigung und Bewertung der Geschwindigkeit
des Vereinigungsprozesses; Bewertung der wirtschaftlichen
Situation in der DDR und der BRD; Haltung zur finanziellen
Unterstützung der Vereinigung durch die Bundesbürger;
Einschätzung der Wahlversprechen von Helmut Kohl; Einstellung zur
Verteidigungspolitik Deutschlands; Befürchtungen hinsichtlich
eines mächtigen Deutschlands; Haltung zur Rolle Deutschlands in
der Vereinigung Europas; Bewertung der vergangenen und
zukünftigen Situation in der DDR; Einstufung von Berufsgruppen in
Einkommensgruppen; Statuseinstufung von Berufsgruppen; Haltung zu
Unterschieden im Lebensstandard; präferierte gesellschaftliche
Eigentumsform; Haltung zur Todesstrafe; Haltung zu einer Amnestie
für MfS-Mitglieder und SED-Funktionäre; Glaube an ein vereintes
Europa; Mitgliedsländer im vereinten Europa; Bedeutung des "Neuen
Forums" bzw. "Demokratie Jetzt" für die Wende; Haltung zu
"Bündnis'90"; Bedeutung Michael Gorbatschows für die Wende.