The Soviet Union's interests: myths and reality
In: AEI foreign policy and defense review, Band 6, Heft 1: The superpowers in the Middle East, S. 26-34
ISSN: 0163-9927
1901 Ergebnisse
Sortierung:
In: AEI foreign policy and defense review, Band 6, Heft 1: The superpowers in the Middle East, S. 26-34
ISSN: 0163-9927
World Affairs Online
In: La revue internationale et stratégique: l'international en débat ; revue trimestrielle publiée par l'Institut de Relations Internationales et Stratégiques (IRIS), Heft 62, S. 31-40
ISSN: 1287-1672
Up until now, mainstream studies have interpreted the EU's role in Africa as that of either a self-interested hegemonic actor, or a value-oriented normative power. Using fresh empirical evidence, including interviews with both European and African officials, Daniela Sicurelli challenges these views by analyzing European policies towards Sub-Saharan Africa, particularly focusing on peacekeeping, trade and development, and environmental protection.
In: Review of African political economy, Band 39, Heft 131
ISSN: 1740-1720
In: Review of African political economy, Band 39, Heft 131, S. 193-194
ISSN: 0305-6244
In: Review of international studies: RIS, Band 44, Heft 4, S. 760-786
ISSN: 1469-9044
This article explores the European Union's (EU) practices of international state recognition in a transitional international order. It illustrates the difficulties that the EU has encountered in attempting to reach a collective position on sensitive cases of recognition – through a complex balance of internal and external considerations – at a time when the norms regarding recognition are increasingly under challenge. Whether the organisation takes a collective European position on recognition or allows its members to adopt individual national positions, acute inconsistencies and tensions have been exposed, with implications for the EU's standing in the world. Through this, the article identifies a key tension between the EU's normative commitments and its geopolitical interests. In conclusion, the article argues that while a uniform EU policy on recognition may not be feasible and case-by-case pragmatism will likely continue, a more coherent approach and greater understanding of the impact of the EU's position on recognition are necessary. The article draws upon interview material and extensive analysis of official EU documentation in order to provide new insights into this complex challenge. By exploring the intricacies of recognition politics, the article also makes an empirical contribution to understanding the practice of international relations in this area.
World Affairs Online
In: Problemy postsovetskogo prostranstva: naučnyj žurnal = Post-soviet issues : scientific journal, Band 7, Heft 4, S. 414-428
ISSN: 2587-8174
World Affairs Online
In: Europe Asia studies, Band 68, Heft 7, S. 1270-1270
ISSN: 1465-3427
In: Europe Asia studies, Band 68, Heft 7, S. 1270
In: Political studies: the journal of the Political Studies Association of the United Kingdom, Band 70, Heft 2, S. 348-366
ISSN: 1467-9248
What do people think about unauthorised migrants reaching their shores? This article examines ethnographically what and how Maltese citizens think about recent migrant arrivals from northern Africa. This case study adds to research on public opinion formation in migrant-receiving societies in the European Union, offering perspectives from a small state tasked with enforcing the European Union's external border in which migration is viewed critically. Embedding our research within constructivist institutionalism – which assumes that self-interest is not pre-determined but rather constructed – we are the first authors to take up Colin Hay's call for ethnographic analysis in this field. We suggest that criticism of migration to Malta was grounded in fears and beliefs associated with unorderliness of migration management, perceived unfairness of EU requirements, uncertainty of the future, and a loss of control of being able to determine one's own cultural identity.
The protection of the financial interests of the European Union and the defence of the European financial system are two aspirations that have accompanied the European Union since its foundation. They are part of the nature of the Union, which was born to overcome the economic crisis installed in Europe after the Second World War. Today, such objectives have been recognized in the Treaty on the European Union (TEU) and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). The undeniable economic imprint of the Union is shown in the different areas in which its legislative activity is carried out. The ambitious financial policy only makes sense on a solid economic and financial context, which requires the protection of the budget and the prevention and sanction of conducts undermining the economic pillars. The European Public Prosecutor´s Office (EPPO) marks the turning point in criminal policy that seeks to strengthen the fight against fraud. In this legal context, it is interesting to highlight two aspects. First, the European legislator understands that criminal law is the most effective instrument to combat fraudulent activities affecting the financial interests of the Union; as a consequence, criminal law becomes a prima ratio barrier against crime. Second, the EPPO will be the only body to investigate and prosecute such crimes. The objective of this article is to analyse these aspects and reflect on the limits on the material competence attributed to the EPPO.
BASE
In: Journal of intervention and statebuilding, Band 17, Heft 1, S. 76-98
ISSN: 1750-2985
Is the EU raising its political and security profile in the Indo-Pacific solely because of China's assertiveness or US–China strategic competition, as often posited? On the basis of official documentation and elite interviews, this article advances a more nuanced view of the rationale behind the EU's engagement there. Aside from increased European naval involvement the EU and its member states are fostering the capacity building of Indo-Pacific countries concerned with their maritime safety, maritime security and to uphold the rules-based multilateral order. Yet, this article demonstrates how mercantile goals lie behind the EU and its member states' politico-security engagement.
World Affairs Online
In: Journal of intervention and statebuilding, Band 17, Heft 1, S. 76-98
ISSN: 1750-2985