Suchergebnisse

Društveno dogovorno poslovanje (DOP) u suvremenome poslovanju sve više postaje alat tvrtkama za diferenciranje u odnosu na konkurenciju, stjecanje konkurentske prednosti te izgradnju imidža poželjnoga poslodavca i ponuditelja roba i usluga. Mnoge tvrtke društveno odgovorno poslovanje u praksi često povezuju sa sponzorstvima i donacijama, a puno rjeđe s cjelokupnim poslovanjem (odnos prema zaposlenicima, kupcima, drugim dionicima, utjecaj na okoliš, politiku zapošljavanja ili poštivanje ljudskih prava). Upravo zato potrebno je postići sinergiju među tvrtkama, medijima i potrošačima pri čemu tvrtke trebaju biti iskrene, etične i odgovorne, mediji posvećuju pažnju sadržaju koji čine dostupnim, a potrošači uzimaju u obzir sve segmente pojedinoga proizvoda pri odabiru. Autori će u ovome radu prikazati povezanost marketinških kampanja i društveno odgovornoga poslovanja tvrtke, posebno u segmentu kampanja koje se obraćaju djeci kao najmanje zaštićenomu i najmanje kritičnomu dijelu medijske publike. Osim toga, prikazat će kako se, unatoč zakonom reguliranim pravilima o tržišnome komuniciranju kojih bi se trebali pridržavati marketinški stručnjaci i mediji, ta pravila krše posebno kada je riječ o djeci te koje su negativne posljedice takvih marketinških kampanja. Uz primjere i iskustva iz drugih zemalja, autori će na primjerima marketinških kampanja usmjerenih na djecu u Hrvatskoj dati osvrt i na domaća iskustva. Na primjeru nekoliko tvrtki bit će prikazan pokušaj utjecaja na najmlađu populaciju te će biti navedeni rezultati provedenih istraživanja koji pokazuju u kojoj je mjeri učinkovit i dugoročno štetan ili koristan utjecaj marketinga na djecu ; Corporate social responsibility (CSR) in contemporary business operations are increasingly becoming a tool used by companies for differentiation compared to the competition, gaining a competitive advantage and building an image of a desirable employer and supplier of goods and services. Many companies often in practice associate corporate social responsibility with sponsorships and donations, and less often with overall business operations (relations with employees, customers, other stakeholders, impact on the environment, employment policy or respecting human rights). It is precisely for this reason that it is necessary to achieve a synergy between companies, media and consumers, whereby companies create honest, ethical and responsible companies, media dedicate attention to the content that they make available, and consumers take into consideration all of the segments of a specific product during selection. In this paper, the authors will show the connection between marketing campaigns and corporate social responsibility in companies, especially in the segment of campaigns directed at children as the least protected and critical part of the media audience. Furthermore, it will be demonstrated how, despite the legally regulated rules on market communication that marketing experts and media must follow, these rules are often broken, especially when in question are children and the negative consequences of such marketing campaigns. In addition to examples and experiences of other countries concerning marketing campaigns directed at children in Croatia, the authors shall provide an overview of domestic experiences. On the example of a few companies, shown will be their attempt to influence the youngest population, and the findings of conducted research will be provided, showing to what extent the effects of marketing on children are effective and damaging or beneficial long-term.

Rad se bavi analizom reakcija Ujedinjenih naroda na zločin terorizma u obliku inkriminacije terorizma u nizu konvencija prihvaćenih u krilu te organizacije, no još više u obliku moralnih, ali i pravnih sankcija sadržanih u političkim osudama neobvezujućih rezolucija Opće skupštine, posebice tijekom hladnog rata, kao i u obvezujućim sankcijskim rezolucijama Vijeća sigurnosti počevši od 90-ih godina prošlog stoljeća. Pritom rad upućuje na specifičan razvojni proces koji počinje sankcijama prema državama odgovornima za tzv. "državni terorizam", a u posljednjih 15-ak godina sankcije su se gotovo potpuno usmjerile prema terorističkim organizacijama kao nedržavnim akterima te su razvojem međunarodnoga kaznenog pravosuđa otvorile prostor i individualnoj međunarodnoj kaznenoj odgovornosti za taj zločin. ; This paper analyzes the United Nations' reactions to the international crime of terrorism. It focuses on counter-terrorism international conventions adopted within the UN, as well as on moral and political sanctions contained in non-binding resolutions of the General Assembly during the period of the so-called ˝Cold war˝. However, the main focus of this research is on the analysis of legally binding resolutions adopted by the Security Council starting from the 1990s. The analysis of the development of the Security Council's resolutions adopted under Chapter VII of the UN Charter indicates that these resolutions, initially addressed to states responsible for the so- called ˝state terrorism˝, gradually became directed exclusively towards terrorist organizations as non-state actors. In this context, the ˝ISIL (Da'esh) and Al-Qaida Sanctions List˝ of the Security Council is being continuously expanded with names of individuals as well as of other non-state ˝entities and other groups˝ affected by these sanctions. Unfortunately, compared to the beginnig of 2015, when only 70 ˝entities and other groups˝ were listed, in March 2017 their number increased to over 360. These ˝entities and other groups˝, which originate from Tunisia, Mali, Albania, Afghanistan, Ethiopia, Bangladesh, the Comoros, Pakistan, Indonesia, Somalia, Kenya, Tanzania, Arabian Peninsula, Libya, Sudan, Egypt, the Caucasus region, Uzbekistan, and even Bosnia and Herzegovina, differ in various ways. Some of the above mentioned ˝entities˝ aim at overthrowing the government of their country, just like ˝classical˝ insurgents as temporary subjects of international law. Other non-state actors' activities are directed towards establishing a new state (for example, Ansar Eddine, Mouvement national de libération de l'Azawad – MNLA in Mali, Sudan People's Liberation Movement – SPLM in South Sudan). International crimes committed by these organizations are not only the object of the resolutions of the Security Council, but they are also in the focus of interest of the International Criminal Court (the ICC). Although the international crime of terrorism is not covered by the jurisdiction of the ICC under the Rome Statute, certain international crimes committed by terrorists or under the auspices of terrorist organizations share some common features with crimes against humanity, which fall under the jurisdiction of the ICC. Thus, the ICC indirectly contributes to the sanctioning for the crime of terrorism. Further evolution of the international criminal justice, both through the jurisprudence of the ICC and other ad hoc international and ˝hybrid˝ courts, will most certainly contribute to the development of international criminal liability of individuals for the crime of terrorism.

Iako su SAD jedna od država koja ne predviđa oblike neposredne demokracije na razini federacije, ustavi članica američke federacije prihvaćaju instituciju ustavne i zakonodavne inicijative – jedan od ključnih elemenata za njihovo razlikovanje od Ustava SAD-a. Građani 24 savezne države SAD-a neposredno su od 1904. do kraja 2005. odlučivali o 2.155 ustavnih i zakonskih prijedloga, u 21. stoljeću Amerikanci očekuju širenje novog ustavnog populizma – uporabe institucija neposredne demokracije. Autorice tumače ustavna rješenja i stvarne učinke primjene navedenih institucijana oblikovanje državne politike u tim državama. ; Although the USA is one of the states that does not have provisions for the forms of direct democracy at federal level, the constitutions of American federal states have accepted the institute of constitutional and legal initiative, which is one of the key elements that differs them from the Constitution of the United States of America. The citizens of 24 American federal states directly decided about 2,155 constitutional and law drafts between 1904 and 2005. The American people expect the institutions of direct democracy to be used more extensively in the 21st century. The authors explain constitutional solutions and the effects of implementation of these institutes on the shaping of state policies in the respective federal states. The institute is used for bypassing the state legislatures in order to limit their freedom of action by constitutionalising the political choices. Tax- -reduction initiatives limit the revenues legislatures can levy and spend, and thus control the damage. This institute is becoming a means of launching changes in different public areas, such as taxes and expenditures, campaign financing, public education. However, the state legislatures can limit effects of the successful initiatives by withholding financial aid necessary for their implementation. State policy does not finish at the moment the initiatives are adopted by citizens. Sanctions depend on citizens' ability to establish the facts about the compliance with the decisions made by direct citizens' participation, and on clarity of the texts adopted by initiatives.

Apart from relations with its neighbours, Croatia's relations with the United Kingdom (UK) were undoubtedly its greatest international challenge since it won its independence in the early 1990s. Relations between the two countries during this period were frequently strained partly due to Zagreb's democratic shortcomings, but partly also due to competing visions of post-Cold War Southeast Europe and due to long-lasting biases rooted in Croatia's and Britain's conflicting policies during Yugoslavia's breakup and wars. Croatia's accession to the EU in 2013 offered an opportunity for the two countries to leave the burdens of their past behind, since Zagreb and London had similar preferences on a number of crucial EU policy fronts. However, Brexit changed everything. Croatia's future relations with the UK are likely to be determined by the nature of Brexit negotiations and the evolution of British policy toward the pace and direction of EU integration. ; Apart from relations with its neighbours, Croatia's relations with the United Kingdom (UK) were undoubtedly its greatest international challenge since it won its independence in the early 1990s. Relations between the two countries during this period were frequently strained partly due to Zagreb's democratic shortcomings, but partly also due to competing visions of post-Cold War Southeast Europe and due to long-lasting biases rooted in Croatia's and Britain's conflicting policies during Yugoslavia's breakup and wars. Croatia's accession to the EU in 2013 offered an opportunity for the two countries to leave the burdens of their past behind, since Zagreb and London had similar preferences on a number of crucial EU policy fronts. However, Brexit changed everything. Croatia's future relations with the UK are likely to be determined by the nature of Brexit negotiations and the evolution of British policy toward the pace and direction of EU integration.

Politika izolacionizma koju su Sjedinjene Američke Države vodile sve do sredine 20. stoljeća naglo se izmjenila nakon napada Japanaca na Pearl Harbor. Krajem 1941. godine SAD su se aktivno uključile u Drugi svjetski rat. Prije toga su u ratu sudjelovali neaktivno, odnosno kroz razne programe kojima su Europi slali materijalnu i financijsku pomoć. Uskoro su slijedili sastanci i mirovne konferencije saveznika – Sjedinjenih Američkih Država, Sovjetskog Saveza i Velike Britanije, koji su se borili protiv sila Trojnog pakta. Na konferencijama se raspravljalo o budućnosti nakon Drugog svjetskog rata. Izmeu ostalog, dogovoreno je osnivanje organizacije Ujedinjeni narodi, koja će u budućnosti brinuti za sigurnost i mir u svijetu. Velike nesuglasice izmeu Saveznika sa zapada i Sovjetskog Saveza rezultirale su zahladnjenjem odnosa i započeo je period Hladnog rata. Hladni rat označava krizno razdoblje izmeu dva bloka u kojem su se velike sile svijeta natjecale u naoružanju i borbi za interesna područja. Usporedno s početkom Hladnog rata u Europi započinje integracija europskih zemalja. Najveći utjecaj na to imale su upravo Sjedinjene Američke Države koje su od kraja rata pomagale europskim državama u obnovi i razvoju. Novom američkom politikom, nazvanom Trumanova doktrina, političari Sjedinjenih Američkih Država odlučnije su se krenuli boriti protiv sovjetskog ekspanzionizma. Marshallovim planom ponudili su Europljanima ogromnu količinu novca kako bi se uz gospodarstvo, podigao i demokratski standard zemalja. Američkim poticajem, 1949. godine osnovan je Sjevernoatlantski savez koji je u slučaju rata trebao štiti europske zemlje od Sovjetskog Saveza i njihovih satelita. Time je započelo čvršće vezanje Sjedinjenih Američkih Država i europskih zemalja te je označilo direktan ulaz Amerikanaca u europsku politiku. ; Political isolationism which was led by the United States before the middle of 20th century, significantly changed after Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. At the end of 1941. year, United States joined the World War ...

U većini zemalja svijeta gdje se uzgajaju agrumi, pa tako i u Hrvatskoj, prisutni su pojedini štetni organizmi koji mogu ograničavati proizvodnju i prodaju agruma. Među njima, najpoznatiji je Citrus tristeza virus (CTV) koji uzrokuje smanjenje rodnosti i bujnosti stabala. Cilj ovog rada je na primjeru Španjolske prikazati velike razmjere posljedica koje je prouzrokovao CTV tijekom 20. stoljeća. Zbog intenzivnog širenja virusa unutar plantažnih nasada u razdoblju od 10 godina propalo je više od 44 milijuna stabala agruma nacijepljenih na podlogu gorke naranče (Citrus aurantim L.). Prikazati će se pristupi kojima su se u Španjolskoj rješavali problemi zaraze velikih uzgojnih područja agruma. Temeljem španjolskih iskustava prikazati će se mogućnosti provođenja sustavnih stručnih mjera na područje doline Neretve, najvažnijeg uzgojnog područja agruma u Hrvatskoj, kojima bi se širenje CTV-a svelo na najmanju moguću mjeru. Na području doline Neretve od 2005. do 2019. godine proveden je veći broj istraživanja prisutnosti i raširenosti CTV-a. Tijekom tog razdoblja, najveći postotak raširenosti virusa zabilježen je 2006. godine, kada je CTV utvrđen u 80 % uzoraka. Virus je redovito utvrđen u dolini Neretve u svim godinama u kojima su istraživanja provedena. Problem CTV-a je prisutan već dugi niz godina i patogen se i dalje širi, što nam ukazuje na potrebu poduzimanja mjera sprječavanja njegovog širenja. Među najvažnijim stručnim mjerama je kontrola prisutnosti virusa u sadnom materijalu i sadnja zdravog sadnog materijala prema odredbama Pravilnika o stavljanju na tržište reprodukcijskog sadnog materijala i sadnica namijenjenih za proizvodnju voća (NN 9/17, 39/20) u kojem su sadržane direktive Europske unije 2008/90/EZ, 2014/96/EU, i 2014/98/EU. ; In most countries of the world where citrus fruits are grown, including Croatia, several viruses and virus-like agents exist limiting the production and sale of citrus fruits. The most common among them is Citrus tristeza virus (CTV) which causes a decrease in tree fertility and lushness. The aim of this paper is to illustrate the large scale of consequences caused by the CTV in Spain during the 20th century. More than 44 million citrus trees grafted on sour orange (Citrus aurantim L) rootstock sourhad decayed over a period of 10 years due to the intensing spread of CTV. The approaches that addressed the problem of infection of large citrus growing areas in Spain will be presented. Based on the experience in Spain, this paper will show the possibilities of implementing systematic expert measures which would eradicate or minimize the presence of CTV in the area of the Neretva valley, the most important citrus growing area in Croatia. A large number of researches have been carried out on the presence and the outspread of CTV in the Neretva Valley from 2005 to 2019. During this period, the highest percentage of virus outspread was observed in 2006, when CTV was detected in 80% of the collected samples. The virus was regularly detected in the Neretva valley in all the years the research was conducted. The problem of CTV has been present for many years and the pathogen is still spreading, which indicates the need to take some measures to prevent this continuous spreading. Among the most important and effective measures is the control of viral diseases in the propagation materials and the mother blocks and planting virus-free plants in accordance with the provisions of the Ordinance on placing reproductive planting material and seedlings intended for fruit production on the market (OG 9/17, 39/20), which contain European Union Directives 2008/90 / EC, 2014/96 / EU, and 2014/98 / EU

Tema diplomskog rada je politika SAD-a prema ilegalnim migrantima iz Latinske Amerike. Promatrano je razdoblje nakon Drugog svjetskog rata kada je krenuo masovni priljev emigranata iz Latinske Amerike u Sjedinjene Američke Države. Tada imigracijska politika prema ilegalnim imigrantima postaje jedna od prioritetnih politika Sjedinjenih Američkih Država. U promatranom razdoblju daje se prikaz imigracijske politike američkih predsjednika, počevši sa Zakonom o reformi i kontroli imigracije (Immigration Reform and Control Act-IRCA) predsjednika Ronalda Reagana (1981. - 1989.). Vrata ilegalnoj imigraciji iz Latinske Amerike pokušao je zatvoriti predsjednik Bill Clinton (1993. - 2001.) Zakonom o reformi ilegalne imigracije i imigrantskoj odgovornosti (Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigration Responsibility Act-IIRIA), dok je namjere predsjednika Georgea W. Busha (2001. - 2009.) spriječio teroristički napad na Sjedinjene Američke Države 11.9.2001 godine. Njegov nasljednik predsjednik Barack Obama (2009. - 2017.) iskoristio je svoje predsjedničke ovlasti i autorizirao provođenje programa DACA (Deffered Action for Childhood Arrivals) i DAPA (Deffered Action for Parents of Americans) koji su pogodovali djeci ilegalnih imigranta, uz istovremeno provođenje brojnih uhićenja i deportacija ilegalnih imigranata. Rad završava prikazom dosadašnje politike predsjednika Donalda Trumpa koji ilegalne imigrante smatra prijetnjom nacionalnoj sigurnosti Sjedinjenih Američkih Država. ; The subject of the graduate thesis is policy of the USA towards illegal migrants from Latin America. Observed period is the period after World War II, starting with the mass flow of emigrants from the Latin America to the United States of America. This is the period when immigration policy of the United States towards illegal immigrants became one of the priorities of the United States. Presented are american president's immigration policies, beginning with the Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) presented by the president Ronald Reagan (1981. – ...

Pitanje kako formirati vladu ako izborni rezultat nije dovoljno jasan za određivanje kontura za njezino oblikovanje otvara se kada stranke nisu jasno obznanile svoje saveze prije izbora ili kada izborni rezultat nije izlučio apsolutnu većinu u korist jedne ili druge predizborno stvorene koalicije stranaka. Njemački odgovor daje prednost većinskom elementu nad ideološkim elementom. Umjesto stava da najbrojnija parlamentarna stranka nužno mora vladati ili da sukob dviju najvećih stranaka apsolutno isključuje njihov savez u postizbornom vladanju političke stranke smatraju da obvezatno moraju djelovati kako bi se institucionalno stvorila većina potrebna za vladanje. Njemačka doktrina iznosi da nužnost raspolaganja radno sposobnom vladom vrijedi više od stranačkih ideoloških razmatranja i prosudbi. U zbilji njemačkog parlamentarnog sustava predsjednik SR Njemačke predlaže za kancelara osobu koja na temelju objavljenog pismenog koalicijskog sporazuma zaključenog u prethodnom postupku formiranja vlade, prije započinjanja formalnog ustavom propisanog postupka, dokazuje da uživa apsolutnu većinu svih zastupnika u Bundestagu. U Velikoj Britaniji ustavna se zagonetka o formiranju vlade u slučaju da izbori ne rezultiraju apsolutnom većinom za pojedinu stranku u Donjem domu rješava ustavnom konvencijom. Od aktualne vlade očekuje se da podnese ostavku ako postane jasno da neće moći dobiti povjerenje Donjeg doma te ako postoji jasna alternativa. Ustav Republike Hrvatske (čl. 98.) određuje obvezatno obavljanje konzultacija, odnosno provedbu neformalnog prethodnog postupka za formiranje vlade. Takav postupak u praksi čine istražni koalicijski razgovori i završni dogovor vidljiv u koalicijskom sporazumu (SR Njemačka) ili na listi potpisa većine svih zastupnika (Hrvatska). ; The question of how to form the government if the election result is not sufficiently clear to determine the contours of its design presents itself when the parties have not made clear alliances before the elections, or if the election result did not produce an absolute majority in favour of either electoral alliance created before the elections. The German response to this problem favours the majority element over the ideological element. Instead of the view that the largest parliamentary party must necessarily rule, or that the conflict between the two largest parties absolutely excludes a post-electoral alliance, political parties consider it essential to try to institutionally create the majority required to govern. According to the German doctrine the necessity to have a working government at disposal is worth more than the party-oriented ideological considerations and positions. In the reality of the German parliamentary system, the German President proposes for a Chancellor a person who, based on a published written coalition agreement concluded in the previous procedure of forming the government, before the formal constitutionally prescribed due process, proves that he or she enjoys the confidence of an absolute majority of all the members of the Bundestag. In the UK, the constitutional puzzle of forming the government in the event that elections do not result in an absolute majority for a party in the House of Commons, is dealt with by a Constitutional convention. The current government is expected to resign if it becomes clear that it will not be able to secure the confidence of the House of Commons, and if there is a clear alternative. In Croatia, the President of the Republic gives the mandate to form the Government to the person who, upon the distribution of seats and consultations with parliamentary parties, enjoys the confidence of the majority of all the representatives. Giving the mandate to form the government without proof of consultations in previous proceedings (the list of signatures) provided to the head of a coalition that receives the most votes (a relative majority) would be unconstitutional.

Suprotstavljanje društveno neprihvatljivim postupanjima, poglavito činjenju korupcijskih kaznenih djela, u koje spada i davanje mita, važno je pitanje svakog uređenog pravnog poretka. Središnji dio te politike predstavlja kaznena politika. U ovom radu autor obrađuje kazneno zakonodavstvo Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva Velike Britanije i Sjeverne Irske s obzirom na pitanje aktivnog podmićivanja kao jednog od temeljnih oblika koruptivnog ponašanja. Prikazujući poredbeno uređenje kaznenog sustava navedenih zemalja, autor će se osvrnuti na osnovne sličnosti i razlike pravnog uređenja pasivnog podmićivanja u Ujedinjenom Kraljevstvu u odnosu na domaći pravni sustav. ; Confronting socially unacceptable activities, especially corruptive criminal acts, including bribing, makes an important issue of every regulated legal system. The crucial part of such policies are the criminal polices. In this paper, the author deals with the criminal legislation of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, related to the matters of active bribing as one of the basic forms of corruptive behaviour. While comparing the way the penal system is regulated in the said country, the author comments basic similarities and differences of the passive bribing legal regulation in the United Kingdom and the Republic of Croatia.