Suchergebnisse

Introduces sports aid and sports organizations as a form of foreign policy that demands more attention from political scientists. In Norway, a redefinition (1972-1973) of culture provided sports a political arena for the first time, which eventually expanded into the foreign aid territory and thus became a part of overall foreign policy. A similar kind of shift has taken place internationally as the UN declared year 2005 as "The International Year of Sport and Physical Education". The main goal for Norwegian sports aid is to enhance peace and democracy by providing opportunities for the people to engage in sporting activities by mainly building sporting infrastructure. A case study of this policy in action is provided. L. Pitkaniemi

Multilateralism has been low on the American foreign policy agenda during the Bush-administration, but many Europeans seem to think that this will change after the upcoming elections. This might be right, but the changes will not reflect European desires. This article starts out by debunking some prevalent European myths about US politics. This is followed by a discussion of the central aspects of American foreign policy thought, & how the presidential candidates reappraise historical themes. In the last part of the article, American neo-sovereignty is contrasted with European post-sovereignty & the conclusion spells out some of the dilemmas facing them both. Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

Between the Second World War and the fall of the Berlin Wall Germany showed great aversion towards using military force for other purposes than territorial defense and held a multilateral balance between France and the United States with their respective ambitions EU and NATO. After the Wall fell, the German security policy started to change and German politicians increasingly argued for military use as a legitimate instrument in international politics. Among the driving forces for this process has been the change in European strategic culture as Europe is looking towards an integrated foreign and security policy, which may even go against German interest. L. Pitkaniemi

I'm standing outside a store in Meymaneh. It is May 2011. A few weeks before, the Norwegian UN employee Siri Skaare and several of her colleagues were brutally murdered when a mob attacked the UN camp in the neighboring city of Mazar-i-Sharif. Therefore, almost all foreigners left Maymaneh. There is a heavy atmosphere in the city. But we are considering the security situation to mean that it is safe to move around the town and are therefore out shopping. Along with some of my female colleagues, duly wrapped into large shawl covering all hair, we visited one carpet shop. But after 40 minutes of intense shopping, I take a break from all the bargaining and go out to look at life. A little boy standing outside. He is traditionally dressed, has a working scars shreds in your hands, around 12-14 years and smiles broadly at me. I smile back, and gets a little surprised when he says: 'How are you?' In good English. We are standing and chat. A piece out of the conversation he said: 'I feel so sorry for you, sir.' Hmm - I think. Seems this poor lad in one of the toughest countries sorry for me? 'Why?' I ask. 'Because you are going to hell.' What? - I'll go to hell? 'Why?' I ask again. 'Because you cannot control your women.' My surprise is great, and it gets bigger. During the conversation it emerges that this young boy seems genuinely sorry for me because my female colleagues, which he describes as my women, cannot be controlled because they are not wearing the traditional burqa. It is my responsibility to check them and make sure they are morally properly dressed, and since I cannot fix it, it's me Allah will judge the torments of hell, he argues. I cannot refrain from attempting to persuade the boy that there is an alternative thinking about women and their ability to make independent choices. But I fail - and we part as enemies. Adapted from the source document.

Introduction to a series of articles on the topic of empires. The analytical goal of the series is to contribute historical facts, concepts, and theories to the discussion of imperial tendencies in present time. The political goal of the series is to introduce historical documentation that certain political entities previously labeled "states" might be better understood in the context of the conceptualization of empires. The article argues the return of imperialistic relationships in global politics, in particular the imperial role of present-day USA and Russia. The terms of state and empire are defined as used in the series of articles. Nexon and Wright's binding strategies and pivoting strategies for within-segment relationships are outlined. The article deals with the analytical problem of empires rising within a system that uses states and state logic as the analytical unit of measure. The articles in the series will focus on European and transatlantic empires and will account for the rise and fall of each empire. References. E. Sundby

What can account for the distinctive American style of political discourse, the independent course of US foreign policy, & the stubbornly enduring popularity of George W. Bush? The article argues that both rest on the deep structure of American thought that is on the one hand highly dualistic & on the other obsessed with the notion of purity. These produce a worldview in which the "Good" is wholly, indivisibly good, the "Bad" is wholly, indivisibly evil & "Good" is at eternal risk of corruption. This mental framework is first illustrated by means of two popular films, the 1989 Bill and Ted's Excellent Adventure & the 1964 Dr. Strangelove. Finally, the author draws on the work of anthropologist Mary Douglas to analyze the consequences of this way of thinking for US foreign policy, & argues that such a dichotomous worldview faces constant challenge from the existence of phenomena that do not easily fit it. Much of US foreign policy can accordingly be understood as varying strategies to protect American purity & to resolve ambiguous phenomena that threaten the prevailing American moral code. 20 References. Adapted from the source document.

Acknowledges that Norwegian participation in the Security Council led to some good things (the Mar 2002 Mideast peace resolution, the settling of the Eritrean-Ethiopian conflict), the breakdown of the Security Council over the Iraq question during this period does not reflect well on anyone, even Norway. Norway also was too willing to accommodate the US's demands for immunity from any International Criminal Court indictments. It is unlikely that Norway will serve on the Security Council in the near future, but it is hoped that the council itself will be reformed, & no longer will be subject to the same veto pressures of the five permanent members. A. Siegel

A review essay on books by (1) Walter Russell Mead, Special Providence. American Foreign Policy and How It Changed the World (New York: Routledge, 2002); (2) Anders Stephanson, Manifest Destiny. American Expansion and the Empire of Right (New York: Hill & Wang, 1995); & (3) Warren Zimmermann, First Great Triumph. How Five Americans Made Their Country a World Power (New York: Farrar, Strauss & Giroux, 2002). 20 References.

At the close of Norway's 2-year appointment to one of the rotating seats of the UN Security Council, the actions of the Security Council, & Norway in particular, are reviewed by Norway's ambassador to the UN, with particular attention to the correlation between Norway's UN votes & its own foreign policy. Also discussed is the political campaigning that UN members must engage in for consideration for Security Council seats, not only with countries from other parts of the world but with other Nordic countries. Norway's service on the council coincided with the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 & the US-led war against the Taliban in Afghanistan that followed. Norway played a large role in mediating Horn of Africa conflicts between Ethiopia & Eritrea, & the civil unrest in Somalia. The ambassador also addresses the outsized influence that the P-5 (the five permanent Security Council members) play in decision making, & also summarizes Norway's role in the ongoing Iraq question, as well as the installation of the International Criminal Court. A. Siegel