Suchergebnisse

In the modern world the expansion of the semantic field of security takes place, which is the reason for the existence of a number of risks, with a very wide dimension. In addition to traditional natural hazards and existing threats to civilization, there is a new one that is closely related to the implementation of modern technologies, information systems, and communication systems. They are a sign of the times and an inevitable consequence of progress. At the same time society (especially informed civil society) requires more and more of their country, demanding ever higher levels of security and protection to enable its further development. Providing such protection requires considerable strengths and resources, and the intersectoral cooperation of public and private subjects. Developing international contacts and extensive cooperation in this dimension is necessary, but existing forms of security protection are limited to the territory of one state and cannot fulfill these tasks. The fight against terrorism is also a question of access to information about people traveling regularly or prolonging their stay in other states. In the face of these processes we should look for new solutions and undertake such activity, with a scale corresponding to the scale of risk. The cooperation of various entities – understood as combining expertise, manpower and resources – while engaging modern technology, seems to be most appropriate. ; We współczesnym świecie następuje stałe rozszerzanie się zakresu znaczeniowego bezpieczeństwa, czego powodem jest istnienie wielu zagrożeń, mających bardzo szeroki wymiar. Obok tradycyjnych zagrożeń naturalnych i dotychczasowych zagrożeń o charakterze cywilizacyjnym pojawiają się wciąż nowe, które mają ścisły związek z wdrażaniem nowoczesnych technologii, systemów informatycznych, systemów komunikacji. Są one znakiem czasu i nieuchronną konsekwencją postępu. Jednocześnie społeczeństwo (zwłaszcza informacyjne społeczeństwo obywatelskie) wymaga coraz więcej od swojego państwa, żąda coraz wyższego poziomu zabezpieczenia i ochrony, umożliwiającego mu dalszy rozwój. Zapewnienie takiej ochrony wymaga zaangażowania znacznych sił i środków oraz międzysektorowej współpracy podmiotów publicznych i prywatnych. Rozwijanie kontaktów międzynarodowych i szeroko zakrojonej współpracy w tym wymiarze powoduje, że dotychczasowe formy ochrony bezpieczeństwa ograniczone do terytorium jednego państwa przestają spełniać swoje zadania. Nie należy zapominać, że warunkiem ograniczania oddziaływania przedstawionych zagrożeń bezpieczeństwa jest reakcja na ich źródła. Walką z terroryzmem jest również kwestia dostępu do informacji o osobach podróżujących regularnie lub przedłużających pobyt w państwach. W obliczu tych procesów należy poszukiwać nowych rozwiązań i podejmować takie działania, których skala będzie odpowiadała skali zagrożeń. Współpraca różnych podmiotów – rozumiana jako łączenie wiedzy, sił i środków – przy jednoczesnym zaangażowaniu nowoczesnych technologii, wydaje się być najodpowiedniejsza.

After Scottish Devolution referendum in 1997, Parliament of United Kingdom passed the Scotland Act 1998, creating the Scottish Parliament and Scottish Executive. Changes in United Kingdom structure created situation similar to federal countries, where national and regional governments need to cooperate and coordinate their activities. Intergovernmental relations in the UK are mostly relations between executives, with limited role of parliaments. This paper analyzes intergovernmental relations in two periods – before 2007, when formal institutions like Joint Ministerial Committee were rarely used and after 2007, when Scottish Executive and UK Government were led by different political parties – Scottish National Party on the regional level and Labour Party on the national level. The aim of the article was to describe intergovernmental relations throughout 1999–2010 years, explain asymmetry, informality and inconsistency of this relations and prognose future relations in the context of Calman's Commission works.

W opracowaniu omówiono przepisy regulaminów parlamentów narodowych wybranych państw członkowskich UE, a także Wielkiej Brytanii, Stanów Zjednoczonych i regulaminu Parlamentu Europejskiego, odnoszące się do kwestii objętych w regulaminie Sejmu RP pojęciem "wniosków formalnych". Pojęcie to nie zostało wyodrębnione we wszystkich omówionych regulaminach parlamentarnych. W wielu z nich regulacja odpowiadająca przedmiotowo poszczególnym wnioskom formalnym wyodrębnionym na gruncie regulaminu Sejmu pozostaje rozproszona. Z kolei w niektórych regulaminach, choć pojęcie wniosku formalnego zostało wyodrębnione, to nie zostało ono zdefiniowane i nie przewidziano zamkniętego katalogu takich wniosków. ; The paper concerns selected issues related to parliamentary procedures. The primary aim is to in‑vestigate a particular category of motions, defined by rules of procedure of the Polish parliament as points of order (literally "formal motions"). In Poland, points of order are recognised as a sepa‑rate category of motions. They may be submitted only in respect of matters being the subject of the orders of the day or the proceedings in a sitting and include, inter alia, motions to: suspend, postpone or close the sitting; close the discussion; alter the procedure of the discussion; close the list of speakers; limit the time of speeches; confirm a quorum. The authors examine how mo‑tions of similar subject scope are regulated in foreign national parliaments.

Brexit is one of the most important events that dominated the media discourse in 2017. The decision of the residents of the United Kingdom to leave the EU structures will certainly have not only serious economic consequences, but also political, social and cultural ones, both for the United Kingdom itself and for residents of countries that will stay in the European Union. While analysing the results of the referendum, which took place on 23rd June 2016, it can be seen that the majority of voters in England and Wales voted in favour of leaving the European Union, while those in Scotland and Northern Ireland supported the United Kingdom remaining in the EU structures. The aim of the article is to explain why the majority of voters in Wales were in favour of the United Kingdom exit from the European Union and to indicate potential benefits or losses resulting from the decision taken.

The withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union is one of the main challenges for the continued functioning of the European judicial area in criminal matters. In this article, special attention will be paid to selected aspects of ensuring further judicial cooperation in criminal matters after Brexit. This primarily concerns the possibility of further participation of the United Kingdom in specific organs supporting this cooperation (Eurojust and Europol) and the the application of legal instruments implementing the principle of mutual recognition of judgments, with reference to the flagship legal instrument, i.e. the European arrest warrant. It also presents a unique position of the United Kingdom in the Area of Freedom Security and Justice EU, which that state is guaranteed under the provisions of Treaties.

The aim of this text is to answer the question to what extent European integration influenced the creation and functioning of the regions in two countries: United Kingdom and Poland. The hypothesis is, based on model of different sources of regional power by A. Bourne, that in both countries the EU impact strengthened regional powers. European integration is shown as one of the factors triggering decentralization reforms in both countries. A pro-regional shift in national politics is explained as a sign of Europeanization of administrative structures and political priorities. There is evidence that European integration empowered regions in the UK and Poland. Sub-national authorities received new competencies, especially regarding regional policy implementation, and can use new channels of participation in the formulation of EU policy. Even if central governments remain to be gate-keepers between regional authorities and the EU, the regional profile has been boosted.

Europeanism exceeds the political and social mindset, it also provides the way of thinking about Europe, the Europeans, their identity, culture and homogeneity, which is paradoxically constituted on the basis of heterogeneity ("unity in diversity"). One may distinguishes two contrary approaches towards the UE: Euroscepticism and Euroenthusiasm The first orientation is very vivid in the British society and it is reflected not only in the words of politicians but also in the mood of the nation, expressed in the Brexit referendum. The latter orientation is common among Poles who enjoy the privilege of joining to the exclusive club. The European and citizenship education reflect these antagonistic approaches. The aim of the paper is an attempt to reconstruct and analyse the contemporary debate on citizenship education in the perspective of European Union. The analyse of educational trends about Europe and Europeanism is significant if Brexit is taking into the consideration. ; Europeanism exceeds the political and social mindset, it also provides the way of thinking about Europe, the Europeans, their identity, culture and homogeneity, which is paradoxically constituted on the basis of heterogeneity ("unity in diversity"). One may distinguishes two contrary approaches towards the UE: Euroscepticism and Euroenthusiasm The first orientation is very vivid in the British society and it is reflected not only in the words of politicians but also in the mood of the nation, expressed in the Brexit referendum. The latter orientation is common among Poles who enjoy the privilege of joining to the exclusive club. The European and citizenship education reflect these antagonistic approaches. The aim of the paper is an attempt to reconstruct and analyse the contemporary debate on citizenship education in the perspective of European Union. The analyse of educational trends about Europe and Europeanism is significant if Brexit is taking into the consideration.

For a growing group of voters the UKIP party ceases to be a second choice, and it becomes a main party. But, contrary to popular belief, its electoral success is only partly due to its Eurosceptic program. Its growing support is rather the result of disappointment in policies of the main parties and a sense of alienation of a growing social group, failing to find its way in a liberal, multicultural society. Note, however, that the UK electoral system rewards parties that have geographically concentrated support, yet in case of UKIP it is distributed fairly evenly. For this reason, even a significant popular support will translate only in a small degree into the seats in the House of Commons. UKIP electoral successes has forced the major political parties to modify their policies, which manifested mainly in radicalization of their programs in the area of immigration and asylum policy, as well as their attitude towards the UK's membership in the European Union.

For a growing group of voters the UKIP party ceases to be a second choice, and it becomes a main party. But, contrary to popular belief, its electoral success is only partly due to its Eurosceptic program. Its growing support is rather the result of disappointment in policies of the main parties and a sense of alienation of a growing social group, failing to find its way in a liberal, multicultural society. Note, however, that the UK electoral system rewards parties that have geographically concentrated support, yet in case of UKIP it is distributed fairly evenly. For this reason, even a significant popular support will translate only in a small degree into the seats in the House of Commons. UKIP electoral successes has forced the major political parties to modify their policies, which manifested mainly in radicalization of their programs in the area of immigration and asylum policy, as well as their attitude towards the UK's membership in the European Union.

Od początków rządów D. Camerona w Wielkiej Brytanii (2010) pogłębił się eurosceptycyzm, który doprowadził do polaryzacji społeczeństwa, referendum i Brexitu. Niemcy opowiadały się za pozostaniem Zjednoczonego Królestwa w UE, ale po wynikach referendum zapowiedziały twarde negocjacje na warunkach UE. Jednocześnie uznały, że stwarza to dobre perspektywy do pogłębienia współpracy w gronie 27 pozostałych państw. Największe problemy w negocjacjach koncentrują się wokół rozliczeń finansowych Londynu z Brukselą (ok. 60 mld euro), statusu obywateli Unii Europejskiej, zatrudnionych i przebywających na terenie Zjednoczonego Królestwa oraz granicy pomiędzy Irlandią Północną i Republiką Irlandii. Trudne rokowania dotyczą również kształtu nowej umowy handlowej pomiędzy Unią Europejską i Wielką Brytanią. ; Since the beginning of David Cameron's rule in the United Kingdom (2010) Eurosceptic sentiments have intensified, leading to a split in society, a referendum and, finally, Brexit. Germany was for the UK remaining in the EU, but after the referendum Germany announced the EU would negotiate hard to have its conditions met. Germany decided that Brexit provided favorable prospects for enhancing cooperation among the remaining 27 states. The most difficult negotiating items concern financial settlements between London and Brussels (ca. EUR 60 billion), the status of EU citizens employed and residing in the territory of the UK, and the North Ireland-Irish Republic border. The negotiations of a new trade agreement between the EU and the UK are also difficult.

On March 29, 2017, as a consequence of the referendum of June 23, 2016, the British Prime Minister, Theresa May, notifi ed the European Council the intention to leave the EU in accordance with art. 50 of the Treaty on European Union (TEU). This means that within two years the United Kingdom will probably leave the EU. The phenomenon that we have dealt with since the beginning of the integration process within the European Communities (and later the EU) but which has more and more infl uence on the shape and functioning of the European Union for more or less decades, is the differentiation of integration in the EU between its member states. The UK's exit from the EU and the progressive differentiation of integration within this organization are two extremely important processes that will strongly affect the shape and functioning of the EU. The main objective of this study is to try to answer the question of how UK's exit from the EU will affect the process of differentiation integration in the EU. The starting point is an outline of the position of the United Kingdom in the EU in the context of differentiation of integration in the Union, i.e. identifi cation of the most important exclusions of this state from the EU acquis communautaire (mainly the EU primary law). In the third part of the article, an attempt will be made to indicate the consequences of the exit of United Kingdom from the EU for deepening differences in the integration of the EU member states. The summary contains the main conclusions.

The purpose of the article is to present changes in the approach to reform of local government in the United Kingdom, in the case of which, since 1997, so after the seizure of power by the Labour Party, the strengthening of the position of individual regions of the United Kingdom, id est Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland can be observed. Paradoxically devolution did not take place in England which does not have its own government and parliament. The response of the conservative‑liberal democrat coalition to this situation is without doubt the proposal to strengthen the competencies and powers of English cities. Such a policy is without doubt an example of a broader change in the contemporary political discourse, which recognizes an increasingly important role played not only, but still, by regions, but also by cities. The aim of the article is to familiarize a reader with these changes on the example of the UK, where the global tendencies to strengthen the role of cities, of which examples are such initiatives as the United Cities and Local Governments, International Council for Local Environmental Initiatives and C40 become to have real, institutional, inscribed in a particular political and national tradition shapes.

Following the 2004 expansion of the European Union (EU), Polish migrant workers began arriving in the United Kingdom on an unprecedented scale. Londoners (Londyńczycy, 2008-9) was a response to this. Exploring the lives of Polish migrants in London, the series became an instant success on Polish television, regularly attracting around four million viewers. This article explores how Londoners represents Britishness and Polishness to its target Polish audience. It will argue that the series negotiates questions of Polish national identity, which over the past 20 years has been undergoing fundamental redefinition as a result of the ending of the Cold War and Poland's accession to the EU. ; 'Great Britain, Great Expectations': The Representation of Polish Migration to Great Britain in Londyńczycy/LondonersFollowing the 2004 expansion of the European Union (EU), Polish migrant workers began arriving in the United Kingdom on an unprecedented scale. Londoners (Londyńczycy, 2008-9) was a response to this. Exploring the lives of Polish migrants in London, the series became an instant success on Polish television, regularly attracting around four million viewers. This article explores how Londoners represents Britishness and Polishness to its target Polish audience. It will argue that the series negotiates questions of Polish national identity, which over the past 20 years has been undergoing fundamental redefinition as a result of the ending of the Cold War and Poland's accession to the EU.

The paper discusses the events of 2005–2015, when the international community decided that Iran's nuclear programme can also serve military purposes, and endeavoured to impose a strict control over this programme. The diplomacy of the European Union was exceptionally active in this area, in particular its three strongest members: France, Germany and the United Kingdom. Given the protests of Iran and its accelerated work within the programme, there emerged the option of confrontation (including military conflict) or compensation offered to Iran in return for its abandoning nuclear ambitions. Over several years of negotiations, concluded by an agreement in July 2015, the EU was able to exert a strong politico-economic pressure on Iran on the one hand, and offer it advantageous terms of cooperation in the field of nuclear research on the other. ; The paper discusses the events of 2005–2015, when the international community decided that Iran's nuclear programme can also serve military purposes, and endeavoured to impose a strict control over this programme. The diplomacy of the European Union was exceptionally active in this area, in particular its three strongest members: France, Germany and the United Kingdom. Given the protests of Iran and its accelerated work within the programme, there emerged the option of confrontation (including military conflict) or compensation offered to Iran in return for its abandoning nuclear ambitions. Over several years of negotiations, concluded by an agreement in July 2015, the EU was able to exert a strong politico-economic pressure on Iran on the one hand, and offer it advantageous terms of cooperation in the field of nuclear research on the other.