Suchergebnisse

A representação política do território ultramarino nas Cortes metropolitanas transformou-se, nos debates constituintes vintistas, no mais importante símbolo da forma igualitária com que o novo regime político iria tratar as "antigas colónias". Os deputados "ultramarinos" estariam presentes nas Cortes, em Lisboa, para discutir os destinos de uma Nação pluri-continental. Neste artigo pretende-se mostrar, fundamentalmente, três coisas. Em primeiro lugar, que o conceito de Nação unitária pluricontinental era uma alternativa não somente ao antigo "sistema colonial" mas igualmente ao modelo federal, proposto, desde a segunda metade do século XVIII, por autores contrários à preservação dos Impérios. Em segundo lugar, que as tensões geradas por aquele conceito de Nação, que emergiram durante a discussão em torno da regulamentação da representação política, já tinham sido antecipadas pelo pensamento político da época, nomeadamente na obra de Jeremy Bentham. Finalmente, que o mesmo conceito serviu, durante o século XIX, como argumento para impedir a criação de assembleias legislativas coloniais em África e na Índia, contribuindo para a preservação formal de um modelo centralizador de relação com os territórios ultramarinos. ; The political representation of the overseas provinces in the Portuguese parliament became, during Portuguese first constitutional debates (1820-1822), the most important symbol of the equalitarian principle adopted by the liberal regime in what concerned the "ancient colonies". According to it, the overseas deputies would have a seat in Portuguese parliament, where they could debate the destinies of a pluricontinental Nation. In this article, I try to address three main topics regarding this discussion. In the first place, I state that the concept of a pluricontinental unitary nation was not only an alternative to the ancient "colonial system", but also an alternative to the "federal model" that was being proposed, from the second half of the eighteenth century on, by authors who criticized Imperial relationships. In the second place, I show how the tensions generated by that concept of Nation, tensions which emerged during the discussion on the regulation of the overseas political representation, had already been anticipated by the contemporary political thought, namely in the works of Jeremy Bentham. Finally, I will show that this same concept have served, during the whole nineteenth century, as an argument to reject the creation of colonial legislative assemblies in Portuguese Africa and India, contributing to the preservation of a formally centralized model of administering the Empire.

Esta pesquisa analisou o Brexit em uma perspectiva histórica, focando a conturbada relação entre a Europa continental e o Reino Unido ao longo do século XX, com ênfase no período pós Segunda Guerra Mundial. Foi utilizado o conceito de path dependency para argumentar sobre o papel de fatores históricos e decisões do passado, embora tomados em outras circunstâncias, ainda com força para influenciar o presente, para entender o Brexit. A premissa básica que será apresentada no ensaio é que o Reino Unido nunca participou de fato da ideia da Europa e sempre se viu como um país diferente por sua história e seu papel no mundo. Quando entrou, foi com uma perna só, a outra sempre ficou atrás, inclusive devido às especificidades de sua estrutura econômica herdada do passado, em particular no que diz respeito à agricultura. Desta forma, defende-se que, embora longe de ter sido inevitável, se tratou de um fenômeno limitado ao Reino Unido que tinha pouquíssima probabilidade de se repetir em outros países da União Europeia. ; This research analyzed Brexit in a historical perspective, focusing on the specific relation between continental Europe and the United Kingdom during the XX Century, with emphasis on the period after the Second World War. The concept of path dependency was used to explore the historical factors and decision taken in the past, which, although in different circumstances, still influence the present and are useful to understand the Brexit. The basic premises that will be presented is that the UK in fact never identified itself with the idea of Europe as developed by the Continental members. It always saw itself as a country with a different history and a different role in the world. When it got its membership, the country only entered with one leg, keeping the other always outside. This also reflects the different configuration of its economic structure, specifically with regard to agriculture. By this, although not at all inevitable, it will be defended that we are dealing with a very British phenomenon which had extremely little chance to be repeated by other countries of the European Union.

The 21st century was accompanied by fear, first of all of the terrorist threat, then of losing one's job, of losing one's traditional family values, and also of the weakness of the state. We live in societies of fear, a feeling that serves to win elections in the United Kingdom, the United States or Colombia, and is an excuse for some governments to backtrack on the recognition of human rights and their guarantees.If the unifying factor of the peoples is trust, fear causes the opposite effect, division, insecurity, suspicion, and many take advantage of these weaknesses in their electoral speeches and when they come to power they govern by sowing fear. Now the West lives in a democracy of fear. ; El siglo XXI vino acompañado del miedo, primero a la amenaza terrorista; luego, a perder el trabajo, a perder los valores tradicionales de la familia, y también, miedo a la debilidad del Estado. Vivimos en sociedades del miedo, sensación que sirve para ganar elecciones en Reino Unido, Estados Unidos o Colombia, y es excusa de algunos gobiernos para retroceder en el reconocimiento de los derechos humanos y sus garantías.Si el factor aglutinante de los pueblos es la confianza, el miedo provoca el efecto contrario, división, inseguridad, sospecha, y muchos aprovechan estas debilidades en sus discursos electorales y cuando llegan al poder gobiernan sembrando el temor. Ahora Occidente vive la democracia del miedo. ; O século XXI veio acompanhado do medo, primeiro da ameaça terrorista; depois, de perder o trabalho, perder os valores tradicionais da família e, também, medo da debilidade do Estado. Vivemos em sociedades do medo, sensação que serve para ganhar eleições no Reino Unido, nos Estados Unidos ou na Colômbia, e é a desculpa de alguns governos para retroceder no conhecimento dos direitos humanos e suas garantias.Se o fator aglutinante dos povos é a confiança, o medo provoca o efeito contrário, divisão, insegurança, suspeita, e muitos se aproveitam dessas debilidades em seus discursos eleitorais e, quando chegam ao poder, governam disseminando o temor. Agora o Ocidente vive a democracia do medo.

This interview approaches the intellectual context within the areas of philosophy and social sciences, in the 1970s United Kingdom, and also looks back to Colin Gordon's work as a translator and editor of Michel Foucault's researches on power and politics into English. Finally, it attempts to assess the developments of this strange notion of governmentality within the English-Speaking intellectual world and its relations to present times. The interview has taken place during Colin Gordon's visit to Brazil for the "International Seminar Max Weber and Michel Foucault: possible convergences" (May, 2013). It aims to revisit the context in which the governmentality studies have appeared as a specific field of interest and research, in order to put in perspective the progressive spread of this field since the appearance, in 2004, of both Foucault's lectures at Collége de France (Security, Territory, Population and The Birth of Biopolitics) where the notion is introduced. The possibility to know Colin Gordon's ideas about these themes seemed timely not only because of the range of governmentality studies in education in Brazil (something that can be testified by the number of articles, thematic issues and books that are appearing since the 1990s), but also because of the manner in which the notion of governmentality has been taken by the post-colonial studies. In this sense, the notion still seems to be a very useful tool to confront the task of understanding the problems and problematizations that constitute the specificity of our Brazilian modernity ; A entrevista aborda o contexto intelectual no campo da filosofia e das ciências sociais no Reino Unido, durante os anos 1970, bem como apresenta um balanço do trabalho realizado por Colin Gordon na tradução e na edição de livros em língua inglesa das pesquisas sobre poder e política que Michel Foucault empreendeu de meados dos anos 1970 até sua morte prematura, em 1984. Finalmente, procura-se avaliar os desdobramentos dessa estranha noção de governamentalidade no mundo intelectual anglófono e sua atualidade. O objetivo principal da entrevista, que foi realizada por Fabiana Jardim, professora da área de Sociologia da Educação da Faculdade de Educação da Universidade de São Paulo em maio de 2013, por ocasião da presença de Colin Gordon no Brasil, foi revisitar o contexto no qual o campo dos estudos sobre governamentalidade se constituiu, de modo a colocar em perspectiva o intenso alargamento desse campo a partir da publicação, em 2004, dos cursos de Michel Foucault no Collège de France nos quais a noção aparece. Isso nos pareceu oportuno não apenas devido ao alcance dos estudos sobre governamentalidade e educação no Brasil, o que pode ser atestado pelo volume da produção - artigos, dossiês e livros - , mas também tendo em conta as apropriações que foram feitas de tal noção no campo dos estudos pós-coloniais; nesse sentido, a noção preserva sua operacionalidade na tarefa de compreender as especificidades de nossa modernidade à brasileira por meio da identificação de problematizações constitutivas de nossa experiência.

A boa nutrição é o sustentáculo do bem-estar humano. Boa nutrição antes do nascimento e ao longo da infância permite que o cérebro funcione e evolua sem problemas e que os sistemas imunológicos se desenvolvam com mais vigor. Para as crianças pequenas, um nível de boa nutrição afasta a morte e prepara o corpo para crescer e desenvolver todo o seu potencial. No decorrer da vida humana, a boa nutrição leva a melhor aproveitamento escolar, mães mais bem alimentadas que dão à luz crianças mais bem nutridas, e adultos que tem maior probabilidade de serem produtivos e receber salários melhores. Durante a meia-idade, a boa nutrição origina metabolismos melhor preparados para proteger contra doenças associadas a mudanças na dieta e atividade física. Sem uma boa nutrição as vidas e meios de vida das pessoas são como que construídos em areia movediça. ; Supplementary Online Materials ix Acknowledgments x Abbreviations xii Executive summary xiii Chapter 1 ntroduction 2 Chapter 2 Nutrition Is Central to Sustainable Development 7 Chapter 3 Progress toward the World Health Assembly Nutrition Targets Is Too Slow1 5 Chapter 4 The Coexistence of Different Forms of Malnutrition Is the "New Normal" 22 Chapter 5 The Coverage of Nutrition-Specific Interventions Needs to Improve 29 Chapter 6 Interventions Addressing the Underlying Determinants of Nutrition Status Are Important, but They Need to Be More Nutrition sensitive 38 Chapter 7 The Enabling Environment Is Improving, but Not Quickly Enough 47 Chapter 8 The Need to Strengthen Accountability in Nutrition 56 Chapter 9 What Are the Priorities for Investment in Improved Nutrition Data? 67 Chapter 10 Key Messages and Recommendations 71 Appendix 1 The Nutrition Country Profile: A Tool for Action 75 Appendix 2 Which Countries Are on Course to Meet Several WHA Targets? 77 Appendix 3 Which Countries Are on Course for Which WHA Targets? 79 Appendix 4 Donor Spending on Nutrition-Specific and Nutrition-Sensitive Interventions and Programs 84 Appendix 5 How Accountable Is the Global Nutrition Report? 86 Appendix 6 Availability of Data for Nutrition Country Profile Indicators 88 Notes 91 References 95 PANELS Panel 11 Types of Nutrition Investment, Lawrence Haddad 4 Panel 21 Nutrition and the Sustainable Development Goals—No Room for Complacency, Michael Anderson 11 Panel 22 Some New Data from India: What If?, Lawrence Haddad, Komal Bhatia, and Kamilla Eriksen 12 Panel 23 How Did Maharashtra Cut Child Stunting?, Lawrence Haddad 13 Panel 24 Can Improving the Underlying Determinants of Nutrition Help Meet the WHA Targets?, Lisa Smith and Lawrence Haddad 14 Panel 41 Malnutrition in the United States and United Kingdom, Jessica Fanzo 25 Panel 42 Regional Drivers of Malnutrition in Indonesia, Endang Achadi with acknowledgment to Sudarno Sumarto and Taufik Hidayat 26 Panel 43 Compiling District-Level Nutrition Data in India, Purnima Menon and Shruthi Cyriac 27 Panel 44 Targeting Minority Groups at Risk in the United States, Jennifer Requejo and Joel Gittelsohn 28 Panel 51 Measuring Coverage of Programs to Treat Severe Acute Malnutrition, Jose Luis Alvarez 37 Panel 61 Trends in Dietary Quality among Adults in the United States, Daniel Wang and Walter Willett 41 Panel 62 How Did Bangladesh Reduce Stunting So Rapidly?, Derek Headey 43 Panel 63 Using an Agricultural Platform in Burkina Faso to Improve Nutrition during the First 1,000 Days, Deanna Kelly Olney, Andrew Dillon, Abdoulaye Pedehombga, Marcellin Ouédraogo, and Marie Ruel 45 Panel 71 Is There a Better Way to Track Nutrition Spending? 48 Panel 72 Tracking Financial Allocations to Nutrition: Guatemala's Experience, Jesús Bulux, Otto Velasquez, Cecibel Juárez, Carla Guillén, and Fernando Arriola 49 Panel 73 A Tool for Assessing Government Progress on Creating Healthy Food Environments, Boyd Swinburn 51 Panel 74 Engaging Food and Beverage Companies through the Access to Nutrition Index, Inge Kauer 52 Panel 75 How Brazil Cut Child Stunting and Improved Breastfeeding Practices, Jennifer Requejo 54 Panel 81 Scaling Up Nutrition through Business, Jonathan Tench 61 Panel 82 How Civil Society Organizations Build Commitment to Nutrition, Claire Blanchard 62 Panel 83 Building Civil Society's Capacity to Push for Policies on Obesity and Noncommunicable Diseases, Corinna Hawkes 63 Panel 84 Can Community Monitoring Enhance Accountability for Nutrition?, Nick Nisbett and Dolf te Lintelo 64 Panel 85 National Evaluation Platforms: Potential for Nutrition, Jennifer Bryce and colleagues 65 Panel 86 The State of African Nutrition Data for Accountability and Learning, Carl Lachat, Joyce Kinabo, Eunice Nago, Annamarie Kruger, and Patrick Kolsteren 66 ; PR ; IFPRI1; CRP4; B Promoting healthy food systems ; DGO; A4NH; PHND ; CGIAR Research Program on Agriculture for Nutrition and Health (A4NH)

From 2005 to 2015, the total assets managed by open private pension funds increased more than six times in Brazil, where the Free Benefit Generating Plan (PGBL) and the Free Benefit Generating Life (VGBL) represent 90% of these assets. However, private pension institutions are characterized by the collection of high management fees, thus keeping for themselves much of the benefits offered by the government as incentive for investment in this modality. High management fees are justified only when there is active management of these funds, theoretically generating higher performance: this study indicates that this is not the case in this market segment. Similar problems have been faced in other countries, such as the United Kingdom, Denmark, and Sweden, which filed investigation concerning funds that charge high management fees for active management, while they actually provide management that may be regarded as passive. This demonstrates the scale and relevance of this issue, which has been surveyed and addressed by this study. To do this, dynamic style analysis was performed, through rolling regressions, followed by Kalman filter analysis in funds from the top-five private pension institutions in Brazil. Analyzing the exposure evolution of these funds to various asset classes and the R2 generated, passivity traces were found, mainly in composite variable income funds. Such funds are precisely those that should be more actively managed, as they charge the highest management fees. This article also demonstrates it is possible to build a passive portfolio, having a very similar style and returns without statistically significant differences, but at a lower management fee (and aligned with passive funds). ; De 2005 a 2015, o total de ativos geridos por fundos de previdência privada aberta no Brasil mais do que sextuplicou, com o Plano Gerador de Benefícios Livres (PGBL) e o Vida Gerador de Benefícios Livres (VGBL) representando 90% desses ativos. Entretanto, as instituições de previdência privada têm como característica a cobrança de elevadas taxas de administração, ficando, assim, com boa parte dos benefícios oferecidos pelo governo como incentivo para os investimentos nessa modalidade. Altas taxas de administração são justificáveis quando há uma gestão ativa desses fundos, gerando, em tese, uma performance superior: este estudo indica que não é isso que ocorre nesse segmento de mercado. Problemas semelhantes têm sido enfrentados em outros países, como Reino Unido, Dinamarca e Suécia, nos quais se abriu investigação a respeito de fundos que cobram altas taxas de administração por uma gestão ativa enquanto proporcionam, na realidade, uma gestão que pode ser considerada passiva. Isso demonstra o tamanho e a relevância desse problema, que foi levantado e abordado por este estudo. Para tanto, recorreu-se à análise dinâmica de estilos, via janelas móveis, seguida da análise via filtro de Kalman em fundos das cinco principais instituições de previdência privada do Brasil. A partir da análise da evolução das exposições desses fundos às diferentes classes de ativos e dos R2 gerados, encontraram-se indícios de passividade, principalmente nos fundos compostos com renda variável. Tais fundos são justamente os que deveriam ter gestão mais ativa, pois cobram as maiores taxas de administração. Este artigo também demonstra que é possível construir uma carteira passiva, com estilo muito semelhante e retornos sem diferenças estatisticamente significativas, mas com taxa de administração mais baixa (e alinhada com fundos passivos).

Defence date: 21 November 2008 ; Examining Board: Prof. Doutor Jacques Ziller, Instituto Universitário Europeu; Prof. Doutor Pedro Bacelar Vasconcelos, Universidade do Minho; Prof. Doutor Rui Moura Ramos, Universidade de Coimbra; Prof. Doutor Francesco Francioni, Instituto Universitário Europeu. ; First made available online 14 January 2015. ; Portugal is a very good illustration of the current identity quests that are pursued by communities of all shapes and sizes – local, national, supranational, international, civilizational – in response to old urges and new threats posed in a globalised, but also "glocalised", world. Torn between its European body and its atlantic/lusophone "soul", Portugal tries to strike a balance between the two dimensions of its identity as a polity and, in the process, claims a special role as mediator between north and south, Europe and the African continent. Although fully committed to the European immigration policy, with its restrictive dimensions and its focus on integration, Portugal purports to articulate the European demands with the special solidarity bonds that exist with the Portuguese speaking countries. It has been so for a number of years, but the recent developments in both the Portuguese nationality and immigration laws show that the fears expressed by many that Schengen would surpass the lusophone ties were well founded and that, no matter how well intended the Portuguese policies are in these matters, the result will be detrimental to the so-called lusophone citizens. They do enjoy a special status – encompassing voting rights and access to public office that is generally forbidden to all foreigners (a status unparalleled in the two other European countries under scrutiny, France and the United Kingdom) – but their access to the Portuguese territory has been curtailed. Even more than Portugal, which until recently was the last of the European "nation states" and only now faces visible cultural diversity in its society, the European Union and the Community of the Portuguese Speaking Countries (CPLP) struggle with the definition of their respective identities and sense of purpose, seeking to win the hearts and minds of their peoples. Commonly considered a natural spontaneous community, due to the existence of a common language, the CPLP faces the difficulties posed by mutual distrust and old grudges and the fear, by many, that it is only an expression of imperial nostalgia on the part of Portugal. Its member states show only a mild commitment, engaged as they all are in other regional communities of their own, as can be seen in the discussions on citizenship and free movement within the lusophone area. There are many similarities between the legal systems of the CPLP member states, which can be explained by the cooperation between lawyers and academics specially in Africa and East Timor, but some of those similarities are merely formal, with little correspondence in the law in action, and coexist with relevant differences due mostly to different levels of socio-economic development and political will. For the European Union the purpose of fostering a feeling of belonging and solidarity between the peoples of Europe is an ongoing struggle for legitimacy which has suffered major setbacks in recent years. After the constitutional momentum, the Union has adopted a more modest stance, but has by no means given up winning the support of the European citizens. One of the fields in which its intervention is demanded is directly linked with the identity quest in progress – border definition and control, policies towards illegal and legal aliens. Stressing the need to integrate the third country nationals who are legal residents and adopting the mantra of intercultural dialogue, the EU presents itself as a guardian for human rights and a fighter against racism, at the same time as it tries to keep Europe for the Europeans as much as possible. Its member states are willing, for European or domestic reasons, to go along and easily drop old preferences for extra-community bonds of solidarity. Portugal may again be the last of the empires, keeping a special status for the foreigners of lusophone origin, but it nevertheless keeps with the times when it comes to admission to its territory.