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The article deals with the process of preparation of the legislative act on the national Assembly of Wales in the context of the formation of Welsh identity. The author concludes that the functioning of this body was based on a corporate model, which had no analogues in the United Kingdom. It was intended that the national Assembly would unite the Welsh not on the basis of language or ethnicity but on the basis of a kind of "civic" identity uniting all those living in Wales. However, in the first years of activity of the National Assembly, that to a certain extent utopian project has undergone significant changes. ; В статье рассматривается процесс подготовки законодательного акта о Национальной Ассамблее Уэльса в контексте формирования валлийской идентичности. Автор приходит к выводу о том, что в основу функционирования этого органа была заложена корпоративная модель, не имевшая до этого каких-либо аналогов в Соединенном королевстве. Предполагалось, что Национальная Ассамблея будет объединять валлийцев не по языковому или этническому признаку, а опираться на своего рода "гражданскую" идентичность, объединяющая всех, кто проживает на территории Уэльса. Однако в первые же годы деятельности Национальной Ассамблеи этот до известной степени утопический проект претерпел значительные изменения.

This article presents the indings of the study focused on operation of research core facilities in foreign countries. The main aim of the research is to identify the most promising methods of raising the eiciency of research infrastructure, based on the study focused on operation of university core facilities in developed countries. The core facilities of the leading universities of the U. S., Germany, United Kingdom and France were selected for the study. The research focused on the human resource management, sources of funding and management tools applied in research core facilities. The results showed that research core facilities in developed countries experience the problems typical for their Russian peers: decreasing inancial support from the government, lack of highly qualiied researchers and managers and low marketing activity. As the national governments in most developed countries are cutting support for science, the quantity and quality of services provided to external users is growing dramatically. The article addresses various methods of cost reduction at research core facilities that are free of negative impact on service quality. The conclusion is drawn that adaptation of foreign experience in the Russian research core facilities will need, irst and foremost, to cultivate the employees' entrepreneurship consciousness and ability.

Анализируется роль церквей в референдуме о независимости Шотландии (2014), по итогам которого победу одержали юнионисты – сторонники дальнейшего членства Шотландии в Великобритании. Наряду с политическими партиями и общественными объединениями в кампании приняли участие религиозные организации. Указывается, что ведущие конфессии Шотландии – пресвитерианская церковь и католическая церковь – заняли нейтральную позицию, не поддержав ни одну из сторон, что вызвало несогласие отдельных представителей духовенства и мирян. При этом духовенство, нарушавшее официальную позицию нейтралитета, в основном выступало за независимость Шотландии, в то время как ее противники в целом соблюдали заявленную нейтральность. Доказывается, что позиция церквей отражала доминирующий юнионизм священнослужителей и в целом благоприятствовала противникам независимости Шотландии. = This paper analyzes the role of churches in the referendum on Scottish independence (2014), which resulted in the victory of unionists – advocates of Scotland's further membership in the United Kingdom. Religious organizations took part in the campaign alongside with the political parties and non-governmental organizations. The leading Scottish denominations – Presbyterian Church of Scotland and Catholic Church – took the position of neutrality, not supporting any side. This resulted in disagreement from some clergy and laymen. The clergy, violating the official position of neutrality, basically favored independence of Scotland, while its opponents largely observed the declared neutrality. It is argued that the Churches' position reflected the prevailing unionism among the clergy and in general favored the opponents of Scottish independence.

The article reconstructs the events of August 1941, when the Red Army and British troops jointly entered the territory of Iran. The Allies aimed to make Iran a transit base for supplies under Lend-Lease. The military units deployed in the country had to ensure the safety of traffic along the "Persian Corridor" against subversive activities of German intelligence and pro-German elements within. In history, these events have been known as the "Anglo-Soviet invasion of Iran".This article is based on the paper presented at "The military history of Russia" conference, which was held at Moscow University for the Humanities on April 25, 2016 ; В статье восстанавливаются события августа 1941 г., когда на территорию Ирана вступили части Красной Армии и войска Великобритании («Иранская операция»). В планах союзников было превращение Ирана в транзитную базу для поставок по ленд-лизу. Воинские части, введенные в страну, должны были обеспечить безопасность перевозок от подрывных действий немецкой разведки и прогерманских элементов.Подготовлено на основе доклада автора на Всероссийской научной конференции «Военная история России», которая прошла в Московском гуманитарном университете 25 апреля 2016 г.

Der hohe Wahlsieg der von Tony Blair geführten Labour Party bei den britischen Parlamentswahlen 1997 hat nicht nur das Kräfteverhältnis zwischen den politischen Parteien quantitativ grundsätzlich verändert, sondern signalisiert auch einen damit einhergehenden qualitativen Veränderungsprozeß, dem die Parteien in Großbritannien unterliegen. Dieser betrifft insbesondere die soziale Basis und das soziale Umfeld der Parteien, wie der Autor vor allem am Beipiel der Labour Party herausarbeitet. Die von der Labour Party - zusammen mit den Liberaldemokraten - betriebene konstitutionelle Reform wird das politische System in Großbritannien gleichfalls gravierend verändern und das Gewicht der Regionen stark erhöhen. Während innenpolitisch ein gewisser neuer Konsensus zwischen den Parteien zu konstatieren ist, sind die außenpolitischen Positionen durch starke Divergenzen, vor allem im Hinblick auf die EU, gekennzeichnet. (BIOst-Mrk)

On the basis of positivism and constructivism theories the article examines and analyzes the Spanish government's point of view concerning the disagreement over the possession of Gibraltar, Ceuta and Melilla. The author has considered principal arguments of Spain in these territorial disputes that appear in the mass media, analytical articles and statements of different politicians concerned. The results of the research reveal the exact antithesis of the cases "Gibraltar" and "Ceuta and Melilla" in the context of positivism and constructivism theories. ; Статья посвящена выявлению и анализу современной позиции правительства Испании по проблеме принадлежности территорий Гибралтара, Сеуты и Мелильи, основываясь на методологии позитивизма и конструктивизма. Автором рассмотрены основные аргументы, приводимые испанской стороной, которые фигурируют в СМИ, аналитических статьях и выступлениях заинтересованных в этих территориальных спорах политиков. Сделан вывод об абсолютной зеркальности кейсов «Гибралтар» и «Сеута и Мелилья» в контекстах теорий позитивизма и конструктивизма.

The article aims to analyze national programs of the USA, the United Kingdom and Israel that support applied research conducted by small and medium-sized businesses. The author analyzes program management systems; sources of funding for the programs; approaches to the selection of thematic areas that receive funding; project evaluation and selection procedures; performance indicators of the projects supported under the programs. The two types of programs that aimed to support innovative small and medium-sized enterprises have been identiied. In the US and the UK, program management is decentralized, projects are funded entirely by the government, program funds can be awarded to thematic areas both on a "top-down" or "bottom-up" basis, a program is typically composed of three phases, though at the last phase (commercialization of the product) the government provides only administrative support rather than inancial assistance. In Israel, program management is centralized; the government ofers only partial funding for research projects, they have to be co-funded by private sector; grants are awarded on a non-competitive basis; one of the main indicators of the program eiciency are royalties, which company is obligated to pay when a government-assisted R&D project results in a commercially successful product. Comparative analysis of these programs has led the author to the conclusion that it is possible to learn from the both types of programs how to improve the management systems of programs that support applied research in Russia.

The article covers a number of social issues in the works of British Liberal theorists of the first half of the 20th century. The author's objective is to analyze the peculiarities of the social concepts formation and evolution in British Liberal political thought in the context of the United Kingdom's socio-economic development in the first half of the 20th century. The article is based on the philosophical, economic and journalistic works of the dominant political figures and theorists of Liberalism of the first half of the 20th century — Maynard Keynes, David Lloyd George, Leonard Trelawny Hobhouse, etc. The basic principles of New Liberalism in the UK were formulated during the late 19th — early 20th century. But new political, social and economic factors (the low rate of economic growth and high levels of unemployment in the 1920s, the Great Depression, the Liberal party being replaced by the Labour party in the two-party system) forced the Liberals to look for new approaches to social issues. When the basic social programmes had been implemented in the UK, the Liberals put forward a concept aimed to rise the living standards of the whole population of the country. The new social programme proposed by the Liberals was based on the elements of economic regulation that meant the renunciation of the traditional Liberal principle, i.e. free economy. ; Статья посвящена изучению социальной проблематики в работах британских либеральных теоретиков первой половины ХХ в. Целью данной работы является анализ особенностей формирования и эволюции социальных концепций в либеральной британской политической мысли в контексте социально-экономического развития Великобритании первой половины ХХ в. Источниковой основой работы стали философские, экономические и публицистические труды крупнейших политических деятелей и теоретиков — либералов первой половины ХХ в. — Д. М. Кейнса, Д. Ллойд Джорджа, Л. Т. Хобхауза и др. Основы концепции социального либерализма в Великобритании были заложены в конце XIX — начале ХХ в. Однако новые политические и социально-экономические факторы межвоенного периода (низкие темпы роста экономики и высокий уровень безработицы 1920-х гг., «великая депрессия», вытеснение лейбористами Либеральной партии с места второй партии двухпартийной системы) заставляли либеральных теоретиков искать новые подходы в решении социальных проблем. Когда базовые социальные программы в Великобритании были реализованы, либералы выдвинули концепцию повышения качества жизни всего населения страны. Предложенный ими новый вариант социальной политики основывался на введении элементов государственного социально-экономического регулирования, что означало отказ от традиционного либерального лозунга свободной экономики.

This article is devoted to English historian F.S. Northedge (1918-1985) and his role in the development conception of international society and English School of International relations in 1960-1980.

This school consists of small group of scientists and diplomats, who were well educated in elite British universities like Cambridge and Oxford. They were acquainted with each other personally. British Committee for the Theory of International Politics in 1960-1970 was the center for the study of International Society. Such composition of the school demonstrated aristocratic character of the International relations study as intellectual pursuit in United Kingdom. Meanwhile, such people like Charles Manning, Fred Northedge, Edward Carr and some other famous people, who usually were English School members, did not taken part in the British Committee due to different reasons.

Thus, F.S. Northedge was untypical participant of English school and his scientific heritage need to be studied. Key factors of his biography and his views on International Policy are studies in the article. "Diplomatic style", "System of the state" and "International society" were the central concepts in his works. He met with these ideas in the London School of economy, where Charles Manning, Martin Wight and Headley Bull – founders of English School - had worked at International relations chair in different time. The analysis of these categories let make conclusion that F. Northedge agreed with main ideas of English School of International relations. But at the same time he understood them very originally. His system of the views demonstrated that British Committee for the Theory of International Politics, but not London School of economy, was the main center for the development conception of International Society in 1960-1980.

The article analyzes some aspects of British colonial policy evolution in India in the 1920s. Denote after the First World War, the crisis prompted the British leadership to take certain steps to reform the traditional colonial mechanism. The political and administrative changes that took place in the interwar period in British India, to a large extent laid the foundation formed within the political system of the independent Indian state. One of the important consequences of the First World War was a significant change in the old world order, as well as the formation of a fundamentally new features of world politics. Woodrow Wilson proclaimed the principle of national self-determination coupled with a general change in the balance of power in the international arena could not affect the status of the major colonial system and cause certain changes in relation to the colonies by the major European states.A typical example of systemic change have become the processes taking place in the largest colonial empire, created by the United Kingdom. They were limited mainly to the gradual strengthening of centrifugal tendencies that led, eventually, to the transformation of the British Empire in the British Commonwealth of Nations. In the case of "white" dominions, this evolution is quite fit into the outline of the liberal part of the British colonial ideology assumes empowering self-possession with a substantial part of the European population. Another was the policy in the case of most Asian and African colonies, where the population was considered a priori political and intellectual elite of the UK as a failure to the progressive development and independent political existence.In the first decades of XX in some colonies began the process of active folding of the ideological doctrine of national liberation and the formation of mass political organizations expressing these aspirations. At the same time, the United Kingdom, faced as a result of the war with certain internal difficulties and the limited financial and economic resources has been forced to adjust the form and control methods colonies towards their greater efficiency. Changes in the colonial policy followed by the clash of different political lines and very complex discussions at various levels and in various segments of the British social and political system. ; В статье проанализированы отдельные аспекты британской колониальной политики в Индии в 1920-е годы. Обозначившийся после Первой мировой войны кризис побудил британское руководство предпринять определенные шаги по реформированию традиционного колониального механизма. Политические и административные изменения, произошедшие в межвоенный период в Британской Индии, в значительной степени заложили фундамент формирования политической системы независимого индийского государства. Одним из важных последствий Первой мировой войны стало существенное изменение прежнего миропорядка, а также формирование принципиально новых черт мировой политики. Провозглашенный Вудро Вильсоном принцип национального самоопределения вместе с общим изменением баланса сил на международной арене, не могли не сказаться на состоянии колониальной системы и вызвали определенные изменения в отношении к колониям со стороны крупных европейских государств. Типичным примером подобных изменений стали процессы, происходившие в крупнейшей колониальной империи, созданной Великобританией. Они были связаны, главным образом, с постепенным усилением центробежных тенденций, приведших, в конечном счете, к превращению Британской империи в Британское Содружество Наций. В случае с «белыми» доминионами эта эволюция вполне вписывалась в контуры либеральной британской колониальной идеологии, предполагающей расширение прав и возможностей территорий со значительной частью европейского населения. Принципиально иной характер имела политика в отношении большинства азиатских и африканских колоний, население которых, по мнению политической и интеллектуальной элиты Великобритании, было неспособным к прогрессивному развитию и независимому политическому существованию. В первые десятилетия XX в. в некоторых британских колониях начался процесс активного складывания идеологической доктрины национального освобождения и формирования массовых политических организаций, выражающих эти устремления. В то же время Великобритания, в результате войны столкнувшаяся с определенными внутренними трудностями и ограниченными финансово-экономическими ресурсами, была вынуждена скорректировать форму и методы управления колониями в сторону их большей эффективности. Изменения в колониальной политике сопровождались столкновением различных политических линий и весьма сложными дискуссиями на различных уровнях и в различных сегментах британской общественно-политической системы.

This research is devoted to the study of foreign experience of interaction between government and business in the field of the digital economy. The article presents the economic essence of public-private partnership (PPP). This is the most effective mechanism for interaction between government bodies and business structures. The analysis of PPP projects in all spheres of the economy for 2015-2020 was carried out according to the World Bank data. Including in the field of telecommunications and computer information technology. The article reflects the dependence of the rate of development of public-private partnership on the socio-economic development of countries. It also analyzed the Digital Economy and Society Index (DESI-2020) for the countries of the European Union. The best and worst indicators of European countries in the field of digital technologies integration, digital public services, business digitalization and e-commerce are named. It is concluded that there are large regional differences in the digitalization of public administration, the social sphere, and the peculiarities of public-private partnership. The authors reflect the need for additional research. As examples, the leaders of the transformation of public administration were selected: Denmark, Australia and the United Kingdom. Because it is in these countries that the transformation of administrative processes and procedures is fully organized. The obtained results of the research will expand the understanding of the application of the successful international experience of interaction between public authorities and business structures in the framework of the digitalization of the economy. The implementation of digital projects based on public-private partnerships will contribute to the achievement of significant economic results. Such as GDP growth, employment growth in the information and communication technology industry. There will be new synergistic effects associated with an increase in labor productivity, an increase in investment ...

The object of the master's work is public relations that arise in connection with the implementation of the franchising agreement. The purpose of the work is a comparative analysis of legal regulation of the franchising agreement in the Republic of Belarus, the UK and the Republic of Kazakhstan. The tasks of the master's work: to reveal the essence of franchising and its legal nature; to give a general description of the legislation governing the franchising agreement in these countries; to describe the parties, the essential conditions and other elements of the franchising agreement; to analyze rights, duties and responsibilities of the parties; to describe the features of a franchising agreement with a foreign element; to review the judicial practice; to identify the ways to improve the legal regulation of the franchising agreement. There were used the dialectical method, the methods of formal logic, the comparative historical method, the comparative legal method, the system method and other methods of cognition. In the United Kingdom the regulation of the franchising agreement is based on the general principles of contract law applicable to all types of transactions, and the underlying source is the judicial precedent. In Belarus and Kazakhstan the franchising agreement is regulated by the Civil Code and some other legal acts that govern the essential terms of the franchising agreement, the rights, the obligations and the responsibilities of the parties. The judicial precedent is not a source of law here. In Belarus and Kazakhstan the development of franchising will be more effective, the more active will be the process of economic liberalization. In Belarus it is advisable to develop and to adopt a special law on franchising as well as to provide individual entrepreneurs with the opportunity to participate in franchising legal relations.

The object of the master's work is public relations that arise in connection with the implementation of the franchising agreement. The purpose of the work is a comparative analysis of legal regulation of the franchising agreement in the Republic of Belarus, the UK and the Republic of Kazakhstan. The tasks of the master's work: to reveal the essence of franchising and its legal nature; to give a general description of the legislation governing the franchising agreement in these countries; to describe the parties, the essential conditions and other elements of the franchising agreement; to analyze rights, duties and responsibilities of the parties; to describe the features of a franchising agreement with a foreign element; to review the judicial practice; to identify the ways to improve the legal regulation of the franchising agreement. There were used the dialectical method, the methods of formal logic, the comparative historical method, the comparative legal method, the system method and other methods of cognition. In the United Kingdom the regulation of the franchising agreement is based on the general principles of contract law applicable to all types of transactions, and the underlying source is the judicial precedent. In Belarus and Kazakhstan the franchising agreement is regulated by the Civil Code and some other legal acts that govern the essential terms of the franchising agreement, the rights, the obligations and the responsibilities of the parties. The judicial precedent is not a source of law here. In Belarus and Kazakhstan the development of franchising will be more effective, the more active will be the process of economic liberalization. In Belarus it is advisable to develop and to adopt a special law on franchising as well as to provide individual entrepreneurs with the opportunity to participate in franchising legal relations.

This paper summarises interviews with scholars from different cities regarding the Boris Yeltsin Presidential Centre, which has been operating in Yekaterinburg since 2015. The interviews not only concern the importance of the Yeltsin Centre as a cultural and research institution, but also historical memory about the Yeltsin era, issues of glorification and hero cults in Russian history, and, more broadly, issues connected with Yeltsin's name. The key topic of the interviews was the peculiar dialectics of freedom and power which manifested themselves so vividly during Yeltsin's life. The interviews took place at different times, yet the structure and logic of the talks were similar, which makes it possible for the journal to publish them as part of one talk. The interviewees were Andrey Zorin (Dr. Hab. (Philology), Professor; Oxford University, United Kingdom), Evgeny Emelianov (PhD (History); Boris Yeltsin Presidential Centre, Yekaterinburg), Elena Burlina (Dr. Hab. (Philosophy), Professor; Samara State Medical University), Boris Orlov and Irina Lisovets (PhDs (History); Ural Federal University). ; Настоящая статья суммирует материалы бесед с учеными из разных городов на тему о работающем с 2015 г. в Екатеринбурге Президентском центре Б. Н. Ельцина. Беседы эти касались не только актуальной значимости Ельцин-центра как культурной и научной институции, но и исторической памяти о ельцинской эпохе, проблем глорификации и культа героя в отечественной истории и – в широком смысле – тех вопросов истории России, которые связаны с именем Ельцина. Лейтмотивом беседы была проблема своеобразной диалектики свободы и власти, столь ярко проявившейся в истории жизни Ельцина. Интервью были проведены в разное время, но структура и логика их были одинаковыми, а потому журнал публикует данные материалы в форме единой беседы, хотя реплики участников были разнесены во времени. В обсуждении приняли участие доктор филологических наук, профессор Андрей Зорин (Оксфордский университет, Великобритания), кандидат исторических наук Евгений Емельянов (Президентский центр Б. Н. Ельцина), доктор философских наук, профессор Елена Бурлина (Самарский государственный медицинский университет), кандидаты философских наук Ирина Лисовец и Борис Орлов (Уральский федеральный университет).

Раздел - "Международные отношения" ; В статье автор рассматривает опыт Великобритании по регулированию иммиграции бывших колониальных подданных. Анализируются факторы, которые определяли британскую иммиграционную политику на рубеже 1960—1970-х гг. В рассматриваемый период Соединенное Королевство стало местом назначения для нескольких десятков тысяч вынужденных мигрантов индийского происхождения из Восточной Африки, что вызвало серьезное беспокойство общественности по поводу масштабов «цветной» иммиграции в страну. В ответ на это британский парламент в феврале 1968 г. принял закон об иммигрантах из Содружества, который имел целью ограничить иммиграцию восточноафриканских азиатов и исключить свободную иммиграцию в Великобританию 2 млн британских подданных с двойным гражданством, проживавших в независимых государствах Азии и Африки. Однако давление со стороны правительств стран Содружества наций и Европы вынудило британское правительство признать свою ответственность за прием восточноафриканских азиатов, тем самым обесценив влияние закона об иммигрантах из Содружества 1968 г. на текущую иммиграционную политику. = In this article the author examines the experience of Great Britain in regulating the immigration of former colonial citizens and the factors that determined British immigration policy in the late 1960s — early 1970s. During this period, the United Kingdom was the destination for tens of thousands of forced migrants of Indian origin from East Africa, which caused serious public concern about the extent of «coloured» immigration into the country. In response, the British Parliament in February 1968 adopted a law on the immigrants from the Commonwealth, that was intended to limit the immigration of East African Asians and to eliminate free immigration to Britain for 2 million British citizens with dual citizenship who lived in independent states of Asia and Africa. However, the pressure from the government of the Commonwealth and Europe forced the British government to acknowledge its responsibility for the reception of East African Asians, thus undermining the impact of the law on the immigrants from the Commonwealth in 1968 on the current immigration policy.