En este artículo analizamos la distribución y la composición por fuente de los ingresos individuales y de los hogares, y su relación con la estructura social, como forma de aprehender las modalidades de satisfacción de necesidades y la producción de bienestar desde una perspectiva comparativa, seleccionando los casos de Reino Unido, España y Argentina. Se usa un abordaje cuantitativo, basado en micro-datos de encuestas de hogares. Retomamos la discusión sobre las formas de articulación entre las diferentes instituciones que participan en la provisión del bienestar, es decir, los debates sobre la diversidad de regímenes de bienestar que organizan a las sociedades capitalistas contemporáneas. Aportaremos evidencia empírica que muestra el peso excluyente que tienen los ingresos laborales para las clases trabajadoras en el caso latinoamericano en comparación con los casos europeos.
This article explores one nation-one language ideology, which holds that a language is the glue and marker of an identity that fosters national unity and linguistic assimilation ideologies in the context of Latin American migration to the United Kingdom. From ethnographic and sociocognitive approaches within critical discourse studies, the linguistic experiences of two Latin American immigrant mothers seeking health services and legal advice are analysed. The study of their linguistic experiences sheds light on the social and political effects that language ideologies have by bringing about such consequences as physical aggression and family separation in underexplored institutions articulated by neoliberal policies. In this context, a nationalist ideology emerges that constructs borders and marginal social identities.
In: Cuestiones Políticas; Nuevas realidades jurídico-políticas en el marco del orden mundial post-coronavirus, Band 38, Heft Especial, S. 436-453
ISSN: 2542-3185
The objective of the article is to analyze the various forms of responsibility of parent companies and their subsidiary multinationals in terms of what corporate social responsibility means. At the methodological level it is analytical and descriptive research. Despite all the struggles and activities carried out to regulate the operations of multinational corporations and the demand of the agents of the main governments responsible for strictly monitoring compliance with the rules (corporate social responsibility) the fact that major multinational corporations are pursuing interests for the implementation oflos control and monitoring of the cross-border activities of their companies should not be ignored. It is concludedthat the government's support for foreign investment, for example, is sometimes subject to compliance with minimum social, environmental, and human rights standards. It is difficult to judge the success and outcome of the effort made to monitor and regulate the business of multinational corporations, but what seems certain is that rich countries, such as the United States and the United Kingdom, have apparently accepted the task of playing a significant role in promoting and promoting cross-border (corporate social responsibility).
Europe's leading film-producing countries are France, Germany, Italy, Spain, and the United Kingdom. They were all hit by the global economic crisis, which had a particularly severe impact on Europe in 2010–2012. The consequences of this crisis for film policies and the film industry are understudied. Spain is a unique case for this study because it had to ask the European Union for a financial assistance programme. What changes were made to State film policies as a result of the crisis? How did those changes reflect on the feature film production? This article aims to answer these questions. The method used includes an analysis of film-industry policy documents and official data, and in-depth interviews. The period studied is 2007–2017. The results refer to topics such as State aid for film production; tax incentives; value-added tax (VAT); the obligation to provide advance funding for European audiovisual production, and the number, genre, and mean cost of the feature films produced.
The rapid development of information technology and the problem of its rapid implementation in all spheres of public life, the growing importance of information in management decisions to be made by public authorities, a new format of media — these and other factors urge the problem of developing and implementing quality state information security policy. The aim of the article was to conduct a comparative analysis of the latest practices of improving public information security policies in the European Union, as well as European countries such as Poland, Germany, Great Britain, and Ukraine. The formal-logic, system-structural and problem-theoretical methods were the leading methodological tools. The analysis of regulatory legal acts showed that there is a single concept of international information security at the global and regional levels, which requires additional legal instruments for its implementation. It is stated that the reform of national information security policies has a direct impact on the formation of a single global information space. According to the results of the study, it is substantiated that the United Kingdom is characterized by the most promising information security policy.
In: Cuestiones Políticas; Conflictividad política, pandemia de COVID-19 y nuevos paradigmasConflictividad política, pandemia de COVID-19 y nuevos paradigmas, Band 38, Heft Especial II
The purpose of the article is to study those conceived of the use of the mediation institution in the criminal proceedings of European countries to implement positive experience in Ukrainian law. The theme of the study is the institution of mediation in criminal proceedings. The following scientific methods were used in the research: dialectical, formal and logical, and legal, system and functional, comparative and legal, legal and other modeled methods. We study the concetorities of the regulation and legal of mediation in criminal proceedings in Ukraine, as well as the practice of its implementation, which is more than modest with other European states. Therefore, we draw on the experience of countries such as Germany, Poland, and the United Kingdom. It is concluded that, given the successful functioning of the mediation institution in most countries, we propose to emulate this positive practice and a separate law "On Mediation" in Ukraine. It is established that the main right for the legislative registration of mediation in Ukraine is the lack of information on the existence of such a way of resolving a criminal case.
Este trabajo tiene como objetivo llevar a cabo un estudio comparado sobre la articulación de los sistemas de I+D+i en otros países de la Unión Europea como son Alemania, Austria y Reino Unido, situando el modelo español en este contexto. Par ello se atenderá a la distribución de competencias en esta materia entre el Estado y el resto entidades, a la gobernanza y a la planificación de las políticas públicas, así como a las fórmulas de colaboración público-privadas y a la transferencia de conocimiento como elementos fundamentales para alcanzar la eficiencia en este ámbito de actuación. I i+G+b sistemak Europar Batasuneko beste herrialde batzuetan (Alemanian, Austrian eta Erresuma Batuan) zer-nola egituratzen diren konparatu eta aztertzea da lan honen helburua, Espainiako eredua testuinguru horretan kokatuz. Horretarako, honako hauek aztertuko dira, alor horretan eraginkorrak izateko oinarrizko elementu bezala: arlo horren inguruko eskumenen banaketa Estatuaren eta bestelako erakundeen artean, gobernamendua eta politika publikoen plangintza, lankidetza publiko-pribatuko formulak, eta ezagutza eskualdatzea. this work seeks to carry out a comparative study on the organisation of R+D+i systems in other European Union countries such as Germany, Austria and United Kingdom, placing the Spanish model in that context. To do his, it will be taken into consideration the allocation of powers in this field among State and the rest of entities, the governance and the planning of public policies together with the public-private formulas of collaboration and the knowledge transfer as crucial elements for achieving efficiency within this policy field.
El presente trabajo aborda la experiencia británica en materia de códigos de conducta aprobados y pensados para los miembros del gobierno y del parlamento. Esta experiencia es muy rica pues se inicia a finales del siglo pasado y no ha parado de evolucionar en paralelo a las crecientes demandas a favor de una mayor honradez en la vida pública británica. Además las peculiaridades de la «constitución» británica y, en particular, el uso de «convenciones constitucionales» para articular estos códigos han resultado un campo muy fértil para un uso razonable de este tipo de códigos. Precisamente por esas peculiaridades tan británicas la traslación de esta experiencia al resto de Europa resulta muy problemática, si bien se puede aprender mucho de los problemas y de las fórmulas empleados para resolverlos en el Reino Unido. lan horretan, Bretainia Handian gobernuko eta parlamentuko kideentzat onartutako eta pentsatutako jarrera kodeak aztertzen dira. Esperientzia hori oso aberatsa da, iragan mendearen hasieran hasi baitzen eta etengabe eboluzionatu baita, britainiar bizitza publikoan zintzotasun handiagoa eskatzen zen heinean. Horrez gain, Bretainia Handiko «konstituzio»aren berezitasunei eta, bereziki, kodeok egituratzeko «konstituzio konbentzio»en erabilpenari esker, bide zabala dago kode mota hori erabiltzeko. Hain zuzen, berezitasun horiek kontuan izaki, bertako esperientzia Europa osora hedatzea ez da erraza, baina asko ikas daiteke Erresuma Batuan erabilitako arazoetatik eta beroriek konpontzeko erabilitako formuletatik. This work deals with the British experience on Codes of Conduct approved and envisaged for the Government and Parliament members. This experience is very broad as it started at the end of the past century and it has been evolving since then together with the growing demands for a greater honesty in British public life. Furthermore, the peculiarities of the British «constitution» and particularly the use of «constitutional conventions» in order to articulate those codes have been a very fertile breeding ground for a reasonable use of those type of codes. It is precisely for such British peculiarities that the transposition of this experience to the rest of Europe is very problematic, while there is a lot to be learnt of the problems and formula used to solve them in the United Kingdom.