Suchergebnisse

This article discusses the role of international organizations (IOs) in times of crisis from the action of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) against the covid-19 pandemic. It is argued that the UNSC had difficulties positioning itself amidst the pandemic due to its internal dynamics of interests and competition. The case study with a qualitative approach uses concepts related to bureaucracies, autonomy, legitimacy, competition, and cooperation taken from the literature on IOs and documentary and secondary sources to support our arguments. As the pandemic persists, the studied period covers the first year since the official declaration of this health emergency in March 2020. The evidence confirms that, in the case of the United Nations' response to the pandemic, competition overcame cooperation between some permanent members of the UNSC. In this dispute, the elected members occupied a marginal position in approving resolutions. The Council's paralysis caused the Secretary-General to search for solutions to the effects of the pandemic on peace and international security. Thus, the politicization of the pandemic and the UNSC's interests and competition have affected decision-making regarding the crisis. As the pandemic is a new problem underway, the article is groundbreaking and, while not intending to present generalized conclusions, gives room to other security and IO studies. ; El artículo discute el rol de los organismos internacionales (OIs) en tiempos de crisis desde la actuación del Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas (CSNU) ante la pandemia ocasionada por la covid-19. Se argumenta que hubo una dificultad del CSNU en posicionarse en cuanto a la pandemia debido a sus dinámicas internas de intereses y competencia. El estudio de caso con enfoque cualitativo utiliza conceptos que tratan de burocracias, autonomía, legitimidad, competencia y cooperación, entre otros, retirados de la literatura que aborda los OIs, y fuentes documentales y secundarias para sostener los argumentos. Como la pandemia aún persiste, el recorte temporal abarca su primer año desde la declaración oficial de esta situación sanitaria en marzo del 2020. Las evidencias permiten afirmar que, en el caso de la respuesta de la Organización de las Naciones Unidas a la pandemia, la competencia se sobrepuso a la cooperación entre algunos miembros permanentes del CSNU. En este escenario de disputa, los miembros electivos ocuparon posición marginal en el proceso de aprobación de resoluciones, y la parálisis del Consejo llevó al secretario general a tomar iniciativas en la búsqueda de soluciones en relación con los efectos de la pandemia en la paz y la seguridad internacionales. De este modo, la politización de la pandemia junto con las dinámicas de intereses y competencia en el CSNU han afectado la toma de decisiones en cuanto a la crisis. Al ser la pandemia un problema nuevo que aún se encuentra en marcha, el artículo es por sí solo innovador y, si bien no tenga el propósito de presentar conclusiones generalizadas, abre espacio para otras investigaciones en el campo de la seguridad y de los OIs. ; Este artigo discute o papel das organizações internacionais (OIs) em tempos de crise a partir da atuação do Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas (CSNU) ante a pandemia ocasionada pela covid-19. O argumento central é que houve uma dificuldade do CSNU em se posicionar no tocante à pandemia por conta de suas dinâmicas internas de interesses e competição. O estudo de caso com abordagem qualitativa utiliza conceitos que tratam de burocracias, autonomia, legitimidade, competição e cooperação, entre outros, obtidos da literatura que aborda as OIs, e fontes documentais e secundárias, para apoiar os argumentos. Como a pandemia ainda persiste, o recorte temporal abrange seu primeiro ano a partir da declaração oficial dessa situação sanitária em março de 2020. As evidências permitem afirmar que, no caso da resposta da Organização das Nações Unidas à pandemia, a competição se sobrepôs à cooperação entre alguns membros permanentes do CSNU; nesse cenário de disputa, os membros eletivos ocuparam posição marginal no processo de aprovação de resoluções, e a paralisia do Conselho levou o secretário-geral a tomar iniciativas na busca por soluções com relação aos efeitos da pandemia na paz e na segurança internacionais. Dessa forma, a politização da pandemia combinada com as dinâmicas de interesses e competição no CSNU afetaram a tomada de decisões com relação à crise. Sendo a pandemia um problema novo que ainda se encontra em andamento, o artigo é por si só inovador e, embora não tenha o objetivo de apresentar conclusões generalizáveis, ele abre caminho para outras pesquisas no campo da segurança e das OIs.

The article approaches the dilemmas experienced by international agents in peace operations deployed in Somalia during the 1990s. It highlights the diverging narratives used by international actors (United States and United Nations) vis-a-vis the Somali 'Other'. It is argued that the main dilemmas experienced during UN and US operations in Somalia were not of technical nature, concerning coordination problems between the main forces involved, as usually claimed. Differently, the article identifies a dispute of political nature between the United States and the UN, created by their divergent conceptions on the Somali 'Other'. Adapted from the source document.

The challenge of performing environmental governance at the international level has resulted in the creation of several environmental agreements focused on the common interests involved in the management of natural resources among countries. In recent decades, there has been a proliferation of such agreements, which made the environment the second area with the largest number of international agreements in the world (second only to international trade), which indicates the growing importance given to environmental issues in international arenas. Among these agreements, we highlight the result of the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (Rio-92): the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, the Convention on Biological Diversity and the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification. This paper presents an overview of the status of implementation of these conventions in Brazil, focusing on the governance framework (institutional and legal), as well as on the actions taken to meet the commitments arising from these agreements. Main gaps and some of the challenges to be faced in the implementation of the analyzed conventions in Brazil are also identified.

This paper analyzes the opportunities for greater participation of Brazilian police officers in United Nations peace operations, offering recommendations for facilitating such contributions and maximizing their impact with a view to Brazil's international profile. Following a presentation of the general evolution of peace operations with an emphasis on the rule of law component, the text introduces the tasks, doctrine and challenges of past police participation in these operations, using concrete examples, and discusses the national institutional arrangements that govern police components, including recruitment and training. The text's third section maps Brazilian internal processes, essentially in three phases: before, during and after deployment. The analysis begins with the selection process and training. Still before deployment, there is discussion of the provision of documents and health services to those deployed. Deployment itself is treated in some detail, with emphasis on officers' communication with Brazil and on legal and financial questions. The fourth and final section offers concrete policy recommendations for the continued utility of these contributions as an opportunity to strengthen Brazil's profile in an important international activity. The policy inputs are divided between the international, (Brazilian) federal and state levels.

Foi realizada análise crítica, levando-se em consideração as questões de gênero, dos resultados oficiais do relatório do governo brasileiro para o Programa Conjunto das Nações Unidas para o HIV/Aids - UNAIDS. Mais especificamente, foi abordado o cumprimento das metas resultantes da Declaração de Compromisso sobre HIV/Aids, nos itens Direitos humanos e Redução do Impacto Social e Econômico da Aids até o ano de 2003. Foram apontados os conceitos chave incluindo reflexões sobre os indicadores e estratégias que auxiliam a sociedade civil organizada a efetivar seu monitoramento até 2010. ; The paper critically analyzes, from the gender standpoint, official results presented in the Brazilian government report to the Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS). Specifically, the fulfillment of 2003 targets set forth in the United Nations Declaration of Commitment on HIV/AIDS, under the category of Human Rights and Reduction of the Economic and Social Impact of AIDS, are evaluated. Key concepts are highlighted, including indicators and strategies that may help civilian society better monitor these targets until 2010.

Based on a state policy perspective, this paper presents the path of Brazil's participation in U.N. peace operations, from its genesis in 1947 to the present day, with the intent to comprehend if there is in fact a progressive and evolutionary pattern in the participation of Brazil in peacekeeping, and which would be the challenges, contributions and future orientations to the country in this matter. For that, in a first moment, the text will bring a conceptual discussion regarding the different definitions and understandings on peacekeeping operations. Subsequently, we will analyze the evolution of UN peacekeeping operations throughout its 70 years and the Brazilian positions during this period. In a third moment, we will present the final considerations identifying the upcoming challenges and the main possible perspectives for Brazil to engage in future peacekeeping operations. The intention, therefore, is to ascertain whether peacekeeping operations, as an instrument of international policy aligned to the guidelines of Brazilian defense policy and foreign policy, should continue to be supported by Brazil or if new reorientations are necessary as a national strategy.

A representação política do território ultramarino nas Cortes metropolitanas transformou-se, nos debates constituintes vintistas, no mais importante símbolo da forma igualitária com que o novo regime político iria tratar as "antigas colónias". Os deputados "ultramarinos" estariam presentes nas Cortes, em Lisboa, para discutir os destinos de uma Nação pluri-continental. Neste artigo pretende-se mostrar, fundamentalmente, três coisas. Em primeiro lugar, que o conceito de Nação unitária pluricontinental era uma alternativa não somente ao antigo "sistema colonial" mas igualmente ao modelo federal, proposto, desde a segunda metade do século XVIII, por autores contrários à preservação dos Impérios. Em segundo lugar, que as tensões geradas por aquele conceito de Nação, que emergiram durante a discussão em torno da regulamentação da representação política, já tinham sido antecipadas pelo pensamento político da época, nomeadamente na obra de Jeremy Bentham. Finalmente, que o mesmo conceito serviu, durante o século XIX, como argumento para impedir a criação de assembleias legislativas coloniais em África e na Índia, contribuindo para a preservação formal de um modelo centralizador de relação com os territórios ultramarinos. ; The political representation of the overseas provinces in the Portuguese parliament became, during Portuguese first constitutional debates (1820-1822), the most important symbol of the equalitarian principle adopted by the liberal regime in what concerned the "ancient colonies". According to it, the overseas deputies would have a seat in Portuguese parliament, where they could debate the destinies of a pluricontinental Nation. In this article, I try to address three main topics regarding this discussion. In the first place, I state that the concept of a pluricontinental unitary nation was not only an alternative to the ancient "colonial system", but also an alternative to the "federal model" that was being proposed, from the second half of the eighteenth century on, by authors who criticized Imperial relationships. In the second place, I show how the tensions generated by that concept of Nation, tensions which emerged during the discussion on the regulation of the overseas political representation, had already been anticipated by the contemporary political thought, namely in the works of Jeremy Bentham. Finally, I will show that this same concept have served, during the whole nineteenth century, as an argument to reject the creation of colonial legislative assemblies in Portuguese Africa and India, contributing to the preservation of a formally centralized model of administering the Empire.

Assembly of the Union Thirty-Second Ordinary Session 10 - 11 February 2019 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia ; During the 28th Ordinary Session of the African Union Assembly of Heads of State and Government, held on the 30-31 January 2017 in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, Member States of the Union (hereinafter Member States)resolved in its decision Assembly/AU/Dec. 631(XXVIII) to seize the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) with the responsibility to "play a monitoring and evaluation role for the African Union Agenda 2063 and the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals Agenda 2030".

Brazil, together with India and South Africa, now represent a renewed source of international pressure, views, and resources. IBSA has brought together these three developing nations, that are regional powerhouses, therefore simultaneously opening space for affirmative multilateralism, intra-South political coordination. They countries have been dedicating special attention to the rule-making process of global governance agendas and institutions. While broadening and deepening the scope of their responsibilities and commitments to other developing countries, they have been crafting innovative forms of inter-state collaboration. The chance to sit together at the UNSC in 2011 as non-permanent members became a major opportunity for IBSA. During this year, this group was able to share and reinforce the values and perspectives on world politics and security in an effort to strengthen a Southern critical appraisal of the post-cold war liberal peace concepts and prescriptions. Whereas western powers have downplayed the importance of reviewing its methods and procedures UNSC, IBSA countries have transmitted their special concern with the flaws of UN bureaucratic coordination, the needs for improvement in the links between SC, the GA and the executive boards of the UN agencies. Brazil has become especially concerned with the question of legitimacy of the use of force in international intervention as well as the humanitarian impact of military action and the importance of solutions which sought equilibrium between peace, solidarity, sovereignty and sustainable development."Assistance and cooperation, rather than coercion must be our watchwords", have been Brazil's pledge at the UNCS.

The article discusses the conditions that enabled the occurrence of cases of female sexual abuse and exploitation practised by peacekeepers during the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH). The paper seeks to understand this context through a feminist perspective, considering the influence of militarized masculinity and the socioeconomic conditions of the country to perpetuate violence against girls and women along the mission's duration. ; Neste artigo discutimos as condicionantes que contribuíram para a ocorrência de casos de abuso e exploração sexual feminina praticada por peacekeepers durante a Missão de Estabilização das Nações Unidas no Haiti (MINUSTAH). No trabalho, buscamos compreender a conjuntura a partir de uma perspectiva feminista, considerando a influência da masculinidade militarizada e das condições socioeconômicas do país para a perpetuação da violência contra meninas e mulheres durante o período de vigência da missão.

The objective of this study is to analyze some of the factors that influence the process of internationalization of Brazilian civil society as a partner for economic and social development in other countries, from the experience of the Non-Governmental Development Organization (NGDO) Viva Brazil Rio in Haiti. Although considered a successful experience, Viva Rio faced a number of obstacles in expanding its international reach, and was not yet followed by a similar movement from other Brazilian NGO's, despite support from the Brazilian government, the United Nations (UN) and other institutions from developed countries. By analyzing the ways by which the national government, international organizations, transnational corporations and NGDOs interact with Northern NGDOs of the global South, it becomes clear that the international capabilities of Brazilian NGDO's are still constrained due to the incipient internationalization of both Brazilian society and government.

The main objective of this paper is to characterize poverty and indicators of socioeconomic development of the micro region of the Bico do Papagaio in the State of Tocantins, Brazil, as theoretical referential Capability Approach (CA), from Amartya Sen. The main indicators used were: the birth rate, crude rate infant mortality, the human development index, literacy rate, fertility rate, the Gross Domestic Product - (GDP) per capita. The data were collected in the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE), the State of Tocantins and the United Nations Development Program (UNDP). The results suggest that the micro region of the Parrot's Beak have evidence of decline in extreme poverty and with a tendency to reduce income inequality. Despite the micro region indicators progress, it has a long way to go to achieve a satisfactory level of human, social and economic development.

In relation to United Nations Literacy Decade (2003- 2012), are being developed in Brazil many public policies on education and literacy. The results of these public policies indicate both noisy conquest of some advances as the worsening of many historical problems. Among these, we highlight the result of silencing of discussion around the concept of restricted and rudimentary literacy, on which, in line with neoliberal political model, are based educational policies and corresponding systems assessment of skills and competencies of reading and writing, which it is hoped that students learn and which are defi ning the role of the teacher as a mere provider of strategies for such learning. Based on this hypothesis, we present, in a tone of critical balance, refl ections on the Decade of Literacy in order to contribute to the discussion of problems and perspectives for teaching reading and writing in Brazil.

Executive Council Thirty-Fourth Ordinary Session 7 – 8 February 2019 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia ; In April 2016, the UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and the World Bank Group President Jim Yong Kim convened a High Level Panel on Water (HLPW) charged with the dual responsibility of motivating effective action; and advocating for innovation, partnerships, financing and implementation of initiatives to improve water management and sanitation service delivery, as well as build more sustainable and resilient societies and economies. To ensure the highest level of political leadership, 11 sitting Heads of State and Government, as well as a Special Advisor, were invited to lead the panel for a two-year period till March 2018. The Heads of State and Government were from Australia, Bangladesh, Hungary, Jordan, Mauritius (co-chair), Mexico (co-chair), Netherlands, Peru, Senegal, South Africa and Tajikistan