Suchergebnisse

V magistrskem diplomskem delu je predstavljena Konvencija Združenih narodov proti korupciji, prvi in edini univerzalni mednarodnopravno zavezujoči protikorupcijski instrument. Ta je rezultat večletnih naporov številnih držav in iskanja potrebnega konsenza za njeno sprejetje, danes pa ima že 182 pogodbenic. Konvencija obravnava preventivne ukrepe, inkriminacijo, kazenski pregon, mednarodno sodelovanje, povračilo premoženja, strokovno pomoč in izmenjavo informacij. Vzpostavljen je ocenjevalni mehanizem implementacije Konvencije, ki se v ciklih posveča vsem njenim določbam, tudi pravno nezavezujočim, katerih število in odsotnost strogega režima izvrševanja neizbežno pomeni, da Konvencija sama po sebi ne bo odpravila korupcije. Kljub temu državam nudi skupni okvir na katerega se lahko oprejo ter dodatno vzpodbudo za sodelovanje. Zato je ključno uporabiti in po potrebi nadgraditi regionalne mehanizme, ki lahko kakovostno dopolnjujejo cilje Konvencije. Končno poročilo prvega cikla ocenjevanja implementacije III. in IV. poglavja je za Slovenijo vzpodbudno. Izdana so bila določena priporočila, a hkrati prepoznani številni primeri dobre prakse. Učinki Konvencije bodo vidni postopoma, ko in če bodo države upoštevale izdana priporočila, počakati pa je treba še na zaključek drugega cikla in s tem pregled II. in V. poglavja. Za prihodnost brez korupcije je bistveno, da ob spoštovanju nacionalne suverenosti države ohranijo voljo za skupen mednarodni boj, Konvencija pa zaenkrat deluje kot dober skupni imenovalec na tej poti. ; This master thesis analyses United Nations Convention against Corruption, first and only universal legally binding anti-corruption instrument. The latter is a result of years of efforts made by numerous states in search of required consensus to adopt a document, which has 182 parties by now. Convention deals with preventive measures, criminalization, law enforcement, international cooperation, asset recovery, technical assistance and information exchange. An implementation review mechanism has been established, which will address all the Convention's provisions in cycles, including the non-binding ones. The number of those and lack of a strict enforcement regime inevitably means that Convention on its own cannot put an end to corruption. What is crucial, is a common framework for states to lean on and above all, encouragement for cooperation. Therefore it is vital to utilize and, depending on the needs, upgrade existing regional mechanisms, which can complement goals of the Convention. Final report of the first review cycle of the implementation of chapters III. and IV. is reassuring for Slovenia. Certain recommendations were made, but numerous examples of good practice were also recognized. Effects of the entire Convention will be seen gradually, when and if states follow issued recommendations, plus we need to wait for the end of the second cycle and with it the review of chapters II. and V. For a future without corruption it is crucial that states, while respecting national sovereignty, preserve their will for the joint international fight. And so far Convention works as a good common denominator on this path.

Palestinski predsednik Mahmoud Abbas je v začetku leta 2011 zaprosil za polno članstvo Palestine v Organizaciji združenih narodov (OZN). Varnostni svet članstva Palestini ni odobril, zato je sledila prošnja za odobritev statusa države opazovalke. Z resolucijo Generalne Skupščine OZN 67/19 so dne 29. novembra 2012 Palestini odobrili status države opazovalke. Ta status je Palestini prinesel pravico do sodelovanja na sejah Generalne skupščine OZN, do vzpostavitve predstavništva v New Yorku, Ženevi in na Dunaju ter pravico postati članica specializiranih agencij OZN ter pogodbenica vseh mednarodnih pogodb, kjer je Generalni sekretar OZN depozitar. Magistrska naloga analizira pravne posledice spremembe statusa Palestine v OZN. Za lažje razumevanje najprej predstavim pot Palestine do statusa države opazovalke v OZN. Nato kratko analiziram ali je palestinska zakonodajna ureditev v skladu z nekaterimi najpomembnejšimi mednarodnimi pogodbami, ki jih je Palestina ratificirala. V zaključku pa raziščem kako sodeluje v Generalni skupščini ter nekaterih specializiranih agencijah OZN, kjer ima položaj članice ali opazovalke. ; The Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbasa had in the beginning of the year 2011 requested for full membership of Palestine in the United Nations (UN). The Security Council did not approve membership of Palestine, therefore a request for granting a status of an observer state followed. With the Resolution 67/19 from the 29th of November 2012 the General Assembly approved Palestine the status of observer state. This status brought Palestine the right to participate in the meetings of the General Assembly, to establish a Permanent Mission in New York, Geneva and Vienna, and the right to become a member of specialized agencies of UN and party to all international treaties, where the Secretary-General is depositary. My Master thesis analyses the legal consequences of the change in status of Palestine in the UN. For better understanding of the topic, I first introduce Palestine's road to the status of observer state in the UN. Then I briefly analyse, if the Palestinian Law is in consistency with some of the most important international treaties to which Palestine ratified. In conclusion, I research the participation of Palestine in the General Assembly and in some specialized agencies, where Palestine holds status of member or observer.

Magistrsko delo v ospredje postavlja razvojno tematiko, ki predstavlja enega izmed najpomembnejših področij Organizacije združenih narodov. Zametki oblikovanja organizacije segajo že v čas druge svetovne vojne, ustanovljena pa je bila po koncu vojne z namenom ohranjati mir in varnost v svetu. Čeprav je organizacija najbolj prepoznavna po mirovnih operacijah, pa največji delež sredstev nameni ekonomskemu in socialnemu razvoju. Razvojna desetletja, ki jih je organizacija postopno oblikovala in uresničevala, so prinesla velik premik v razumevanju koncepta razvoja (od strogo ekonomskega do multidisciplinarnega). Ta desetletja so nasledili Milenijski razvojni cilji. Bili so prvi merljivi cilji – s kazalniki je bilo mogoče meriti in ocenjevati njihov napredek. Leta 2015 so jih nasledili Cilji trajnostnega razvoja. Ne razvojna desetletja ne Milenijski razvojni cilji niso uspeli v celoti uresničiti zastavljenih ciljev. Vzroki za to so različni, magistrsko delo pa ponuja še dodaten vidik razumevanja delovanja Organizacije združenih narodov in njene nezmožnosti uresničevanja zastavljenih ciljev. Izmerjeno elektromagnetno polje organizacije pokaže, da organizacija zaradi nepretočnosti energij ni zmožna delovati skladno z zastavljenimi načeli in cilji, zapisanimi v Ustanovni listini. Ta problem pa je mogoče rešiti le s transformacijo zavesti ljudi in s srčno (ne le razumsko) zavezanostjo k uresničevanju ciljev. ; The Master's thesis focuses on the topic of development which represents one of the most important areas of the United Nations. The organization was formally established after the Second World War with the aim to preserve peace and security in the world, but its conception had already began during the war. Although the organization is best known for peacekeeping operations, it devotes the largest share of resources to economic and social development. The development decades, that the organization gradually developed and realised, were a major contribution to the understanding of the concept of development (from a strictly economic to multidisciplinary). These decades were followed by the Millennium Development Goals. They were the first measurable goals – with the help of indicators it was possible to measure and assess their progress. In 2015 they were replaced by the Sustainable Development Goals. Neither the development decades nor the Millennium Development Goals were able to fully realize the set goals. There are various reasons for this, but this Master's thesis offers an additional aspect of understanding the functioning of the United Nations and its inability to meet the set goals. The measured electromagnetic field of the organization shows that it is unable to function in accordance with the principles and goals written in the Charter due to a lack of energy flow. This problem can only be solved by transforming the people's consciousness and by a heartful (not only rational) commitment to the attainment of goals.

Vse od snovanja Ustanovne listine Organizacije združenih narodov (OZN) je bilo sodelovanje med OZN in regionalnimi organizacijami predmet različnih razprav. Razprava med univerzalizmom in regionalizmom je bila, vsaj za nekaj časa, rešena v obliki VII. in VIII. poglavja Ustanovne listine OZN. Rezultat tega je bila primarna vloga Varnostnega sveta pri odzivih na vprašanja mednarodnega miru in varnosti. A razvoj dogodkov na tem področju zahteva vedno večjo vključenost regionalnih organizacij. Magistrsko delo je bilo osredotočeno na potencial, ki ga ima mehanizem hibridnih mirovnih misij na nadaljnje sodelovanje med OZN in regionalnimi organizacijami. Glavni prispevek magistrskega dela leži v analizi razmerja med OZN in Afriško unijo (AU) pri hibridni misiji Organizacije združenih narodov in Afriške unije v Darfurju (United Nations - African Union Hybrid Operation in Darfur – UNAMID), ki predstavlja prvo hibridno misijo v zgodovini. V več kot desetih letih svojega delovanja je imela mnogo težav, ki sta jih organizaciji večinoma premagali. Tako lahko skozi analizo uspeha misije sklepamo o potencialu tega tipa misije za nadaljnje sodelovanje med OZN in regionalnimi organizacijami. Zaradi togosti mehanizmov OZN hibridne misije predstavljajo najboljšo možnost sodelovanja – vse dokler OZN ne ustvari mehanizmov, ki bi predstavljali večjo komplementarnost sodelovanja med OZN in regionalnimi organizacijami. ; Since the drafting of the United Nations (UN) Charter, co-operation between the UN and regional organizations in the field of international peace and security has been subject to intense debates. The debate between universalism and regionalism was, for the time being, resolved in the form of Chapters VII. and VIII. of the UN Charter. This compromise resulted in the Security Council being at the forefront of responses in matters of international peace in security for some five decades. But recent developments in the field of international peace and security have exposed the need for greater involvement of regional organizations. This master thesis is focused on the potential of a hybrid type of peace operations for future co-operation between the UN and regional organizations. The value of the research lies in its analysis of the relationship between the African Union and the UN in the United Nations - African Union Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID), the first-ever hybrid peace operation. In more than ten years of its deployment, UNAMID has been plagued by problems that both organizations have had to overcome. In that regard, through the analysis of the success of UNAMID, we can draw conclusions regarding the potential that this type of peace operation has on the future co-operation between the UN and regional organizations. Until the UN develops better complementarity mechanisms for co-operation with regional organizations, hybrid missions represent the best way of co-operation.

A concise characterization of the political-administrative system of the Republic of Cyprus with an emphasis on its decentralized characteristics & territorial division/composition. It begins with basic information about the state, including official name, government type, territorial units, total area, population, population density, capital city, EU membership, official languages, & currency. The synopsis describes briefly: (1) the historical foundation & constitutional basis of the state, (2) the government structure: the division between the legislature, the executive branch, & the judiciary; the composition, election/appointment, & functions/powers of each; the term, election, & powers of the president, (3) regional & local governments, (4) division into departments (Greek & Turkish & their UN supervision) & communes, & (5) local government structure (the municipal council, the office of mayor, & administrative committees). Adapted from the source document.

This paper analyzes the issue of nations without states in contemporary Europe between the Atlantic and the Urals. The political map of the continent comprises forty-seven countries, most of which are nation-states. However, the cultural mosaic of Europe is far more complex; there are around fifty ethnic groups (in addition to historical, territorial, or indigenous ethnic minorities and an enormous number of immigrant ethnic communities) lacking a state-based organization. Together, these people add up to 78 million, or almost 15% of the European population. Twenty-seven groups can be considered nations without states; they are culturally and ethnically based and have various forms of territorial integrity and political organization. However, they did not create a state organization, despite many attempts by some through history. Without a state organization, those communities have poorer opportunities to protect their folk culture and to reproduce various elements of ethnic identity. This is why they seek territorial autonomy or independent statehood through nationalist movements. In many cases, these ambitions are encompassed in regional movements. These movements have been popular in Europe, particularly because the idea of a "Europe of regions" as part of the European Union has had broad political support and acceptance. However, it has not actually succeeded. The EU and Europe as a whole are still a Europe of (nation)-states. In general, regional movements have been successful and through this some nations without states have attained part of their political ambitions in the form of territorial autonomy. The regionalization of former centralist states (e.g., Spain and the United Kingdom) increased the chances of ethnic survival for the Catalans, Basques, Scots, and Welsh. On the other hand, the regionalization of nations without states represented territorial division, a kind of "divide and rule" strategy serving to reduce their ambitions towards national independence. The territorial and political reconstruction of nation-states has been successful, but it did not solve all ethnic problems. The European political map reveals another interesting phenomenon: a double state for some nations. These are particularly typical for the Balkans. Because of political and territorial development after the Second World War and during the transition period in the 1990s and beyond, the principle of immutable political borders (logically encompassing the creation of new nation-states as well) led to further political and territorial divisions and (in fact, paradoxically) fragmentation. Some of these "inner" autonomous territories are functioning as de facto states. The cases of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus or Republika Srpska in Bosnia-Herzegovina are good examples of these processes. This development has not garnered much political support in most European countries or at the EU level. However, it is an undesirable reality and is certainly one of changes among the political and territorial (or even greater) challenges for the Europe of tomorrow. It forces a reexamination of the phenomenon and value of nations. The existence of nations without states represents a potential for the creation of new (nation) states.

Pri izpolnjevanju svoje primarne naloge ohranjanja mednarodnega miru in varnosti, ki mu jo nalaga Ustanovna listina Organizacije združenih narodov, Varnostni svet Združenih narodov deluje predvsem v okviru II. in III. stebra odgovornosti zaščititi. Nabor ukrepov, ki jih pri tem uporablja, je kljub temu, da je Varnostni svet edini organ, ki lahko zakonito po VII. poglavju Ustanovne listine odobri izjemo od splošne prepovedi uporabe sile, bistveno širši od gole uporabe sile, ki je bila brez privolitve države doslej odobrena le enkrat, leta 2011 v Libiji. Hipoteza naloge je, da potencial, ki ga odgovornost zaščititi ponuja pri reševanju kompleksnih kriznih situacij, ki lahko vodijo k množičnim grozodejstvom, ni docela izkoriščen zaradi nepopolnega uveljavljanja, ki je predvsem posledica blokade Varnostnega sveta zaradi uporabe veta stalnih članic. Izziv so tudi različne razlage njegovih resolucij, ki so že večkrat privedle do očitkov, da izvajalci resolucij slednje izrabljajo z namenom menjave režima v posameznih državah. Zaradi hudih posledic neaktivnosti z vetom blokiranega Varnostnega sveta, kar se kaže zlasti v primeru Sirije, so se kot alternativne možnosti delovanja mednarodne skupnosti v situacijah, kjer je uporabljiva odgovornost zaščititi, pojavile delovanje preko Generalne skupščine Združenih narodov na podlagi resolucije ˝Združeni za mir˝, regionalnih organizacij (denimo po vzoru Afriške unije) ter intervencija ad hoc koalicij. Ker nobena od navedenih možnosti ne ponuja primerne alternative odločitvi Varnostnega sveta, sta se v okviru odgovornosti neuporabe veta oblikovali dve pobudi za reformo odločanja v Varnostnem svetu, ki predlagata vzdržanje stalnih članic od uporabe veta v primerih štirih grozodejstev, vendar je njuna uspešnost vprašljiva, saj zaenkrat nobena od njiju nima podpore vseh petih stalnih članic. ; Authorized by the Charter of the United Nations, the United Nation Security Council fulfills its primary task of maintaining international peace and security by acting primarily within Pillars II and III of the Responsibility to Protect. Despite the fact, that the Security Council is the only body entitled to legally authorize an exception to the general prohibition of the use of force, this is only one of many measures it can adopt. In fact, the use of force against the will of a state has only been carried out once, in 2011 in Libya. The hypothesis of the present thesis is that the potential that the Responsibility to Protect offers in addressing crisis situations that could lead to mass atrocities is not fully utilized due to a blockage imposed by a veto from a permanent member state. The rising reproaches that those carrying out the resolutions exceed their mandates by changing the regimes in some states also represent a great challenge. This is caused by different interpretations of the language of the resolutions. Due to major consequences of the Security Council's inactiveness, as seen primarily in Syria, some suggestions of alternative actions that could be taken by the international community include acting through the United Nations General Assembly and its ˝Uniting for Peace˝ resolution, regional organizations (following the example of the African Union) and intervention by ad hoc coalitions. Since none of the mentioned possibilities represent a suitable alternative to a decision of the Security Council, two petitions in light of the Responsibility not to Veto have arisen. They suggest the permanent members abstain from the use of veto in the cases of four mass atrocities. Their success, however, is questionable, since neither has so far obtained the support from all five permanent members.

Po terorističnih napadih Al Kaide v Združenih državah Amerike septembra 2001 se je dojemanje varnostni in groženj mednarodne skupnosti povsem spremenilo. Varnostni svet Organizacije združenih narodov je že dan po terorističnih napadih sprejel Resolucijo 1368 (2001), ki opredeli napade kot oborožen napad na Združene države Amerike in kot ogrožanje mednarodnega miru in mednarodne varnosti. Nepredvidljivo in spremenjeno varnostno okolje v svetu je zahtevalo takojšen odziv. Mednarodna skupnost kot vir ogrožanja identificira Afganistan. Še isto leto so z mandatom Organizacije združenih narodov vzpostavljene Mednarodne sile za pomoč v Afganistanu, katerih vodenje leta 2003 prevzame zveza Nato. Misijo, ki se je zaključila konec 2014, v letu 2015 nadomesti nebojna svetovalna Misija Odločna podpora in se izvaja še danes. Odziv na sodobne grožnje države rešujejo v medsebojnih zavezništvih ter delovanju v mednarodnih operacijah in misijah. Članstvo Republike Slovenije v zvezi Nato je prineslo obveznost izpolnjevanja zavez, ki so bile podane v pristopnem obdobju ter kasneje članstvu. Kot polnopravna članica poleg tega sodeluje v procesu oblikovanja in izvajanja varnostnih in obrambno političnih smernic. Republika Slovenija svoje obveznosti v Zavezništvu izpolnjuje tudi s sodelovanjem v mednarodnih operacijah in misijah, kot so Nato-vodene mednarodne operacije in misije v Afganistanu, kjer sodeluje od leta 2004. Vloga obveščevalno varnostnih služb pred napotitvijo, v času delovanja ter po zaključku delovanja slovenskih pripadnikov v Nato-vodenih operacijah je izjemno pomembna in ena od najbolj učinkovitih oblik zaščite lastnih sil. Ob upoštevanju omejenih resursov je mednarodno sodelovanje Republike Slovenije ključno pri zagotavljanju tovrstne podpore v Afganistanu. ; After the Al Qaeda terrorist attacks in the United States of America in September 2001, the perception of the security and threats of the international community has completely changed. A day after the terrorist attacks, the United Nations Security Council adopted Resolution 1368 (2001) defining attacks as an armed attack on the United States and as a threat to the international peace and international security. An unpredictable and changed security environment demanded an immediate response in the world. The international community identifies Afghanistan as a source of threat. In the same year, under the United Nations mandate, the International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan was established and transformed in NATO-led mission in 2003. The mission that concluded at the end of 2014 was replaced today's ongoing by non-combat advisory Resolute Support Mission in the beginning of 2015. When responding to the modern threats countries develops mutual alliances and work together in international operations in missions. With membership in NATO, the Republic of Slovenia assumed responsibility for fulfilling the commitments made during the accession period in later on as a member of Alliance. As an Ally is involved in the process of designing and implementing security and defence policy guidelines. The Republic of Slovenia also fulfils its commitments in the Alliance by participating in international operations on missions such as NATO-led international operations in the mission in Afghanistan, where it has been participating since 2004. The role of intelligence security services before the deployment, during the operation and after the deployment is extremely important and is one of the most effective forms of force protection. Taking into account limited resources, the international cooperation is crucial for the Republic of Slovenia in providing such support in Afghanistan.

1.: I documenti della Conferenza sulla Sicurezza e la Cooperazione in Europa. - 1993. - 96 S.; 2.: I documenti dell'ONU, del Consiglio d'Europa e dell'Unione Europea. - 1994. - 201 S

Magistrsko delo raziskuje dejavnike uspešnosti mednarodnih režimov, ki jih preverjam na primeru preprečevanja tihotapljenja ljudi v času migrantske krize. Ta režim je bil med leti 2015 in 2018 na največji preizkušnji v svoji zgodovini, saj je zaradi migrantske krize število migrantov, ki so nezakonito prečkali meje Evropske unije preraslo njene zmogljivosti. Ljudje so se v želji po osnovnih človekovih pravicah začeli množično zatekati k nezakonitim in mnogokrat smrtno nevarnim načinom migriranja. Režim proti tihotapljenju migrantov je prejemal vse več kritik, vendar ga niso razvijali z namenom regulacije problema tako velikih razsežnosti. Zaradi pomanjkanja interesa je njegov namen povečanje državnega nadzora nad migracijami in meddržavnega sodelovanja. Režim je namreč lahko najuspešnejši takrat, ko vsi akterji upoštevajo vse njegove sestavine: norme, načela, pravila in pravila odločanja. V delu preverjam upoštevanje teh sestavin na primeru štirih mednarodnih organizacij: Organizacija za varnost in sodelovanje v Evropi, Evropski policijski urad, Mednarodna organizacija kriminalistične policije in Urad Združenih narodov za droge in kriminal ter petih držav: Nemčija, Madžarska, Grčija, Francija in Slovenija. Trenutne politike, usmerjene k povečevanju povpraševanja po tihotapskih storitvah, je treba preoblikovati tako, da bodo identificirani dejavniki uspešnosti zaobjeli tudi izvorne države, ki bodo lahko začele prispevati svoj delež. ; This master's thesis explores the factors of effectiveness of international regimes that I test on the case of smuggling of migrants during the migrant crisis. This regime had its greatest trial in its history between the years 2015 and 2018 why because the migrant crisis increased the number of migrants that could legally cross the borders of the European Union. People, in the desire for basic human rights, began to massively resort to illegal and many times deadly ways of smuggling. The regime against the smuggling of migrants has begun to receive increasing criticism. However, it was not established with the aim to regulate the smuggling problem of such large proportions. Due to the lack of states' interest, its aim was to increase state control over migration and interstate cooperation. The regime can be most effective when all actors are concerned with all its components: norms, principles, rules and rules of decision-making. In the thesis I test the upkeeping of these components on four international organizations: Organization for security and cooperation in Europe, European union agency for law enforcement cooperation, International criminal police organization and United nations office on drugs and crime, and five countries: Germany, Hungary, Greece, France and Slovenia. Current policies are formed to increase the demand for smuggling services and need to be transformed in order for identified factors of effectiveness to capture countries of origin and make them contribute their share as well.

Trgovina z orožjem za marsikatere države in podjetja pomeni velik vir zaslužka. Problem je v tem, ker poleg zakonitega trga z orožjem, obstajata tudi sivi in črni trg. Zato je pomembno, da se vzpostavi celovit in učinkovit nadzor nad trgovino z orožjem. Že od leta 1978 se v resolucijah Generalne skupščine Združenih narodov omenja potreba po pogajanjih glede omejitve mednarodnih prenosov konvencionalnega orožja. Šestintrideset let pozneje je začela veljati prva mednarodna pogodba, ki celovito ureja mednarodno trgovino s konvencionalnim orožjem, Pogodba o trgovini z orožjem (PTO). V procesu nastajanja pogodbe so ves čas sodelovale tudi nevladne organizacije, saj je za vzpostavitev učinkovitega mednarodnopravnega instrumenta pomembno sodelovanje med državami in civilno družbo. PTO je tudi prva mednarodna pogodba, ki ureja prenos osebnega in lahkega orožja. Ravno slednje zaradi svojih lastnosti (enostavno za uporabo, prenosljivost, dolgotrajnost, lahka dostopnost širšemu krogu ljudi) povzroča trpljenje mnogih ljudi. Določbe PTO pa ne posegajo v že urejen sistem pridobivanja orožja, ki velja za športne strelce, lovce in zbiratelje orožja. PTO oboroževanja ne prepoveduje, saj spoštuje pravico vsake države do samoobrambe, temveč le vzpostavlja večjo preglednost nad trgovanjem s konvencionalnim orožjem med državami pogodbenicami. Posebnost PTO je izvajanje po metodi korak po korak, kar omogoča njeno postopno uveljavitev in prilagoditev njenega izvajanja dejanskim razmeram. Učinkovito izvedbo PTO preprečuje nesistematična ureditev kategorij konvencionalnega orožja, streliva in minsko-eksplozivnih sredstev, delov in sestavnih delov orožja, dejavnosti prenosa in neurejenost nadzora nad trgovino s stroji in materiali, ki omogočajo izdelavo orožja in streliva. PTO tudi ne vzpostavlja učinkovitega sistema sankcij za države, ki kršijo pogodbene obveznosti. ; Arms trade has been a large source of profit for various countries and companies. The major problem is that beside legal arms industry there exists grey and black markets. It is thus very important to set up a complete and efficient control of the arms trade. Ever since 1978, The General Assembly of the United Nations in its resolutions has emphasised the need to reach agreements on limiting the international transfer of conventional weapons. Thirty-six years later, the first international treaty that entirely regulates conventional arms trade entered into force. The Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) thus came into effect. Many non-governmental organisations were also engaged in the process of treaty making, since the establishment of the efficient international legal instruments required the cooperative efforts of countries as well as civil societies. The ATT is the first international treaty regulating the transfer of small arms and light weapons. The latter is the one whose features (easy to use, mobility, durability and easy access to a wider public) cause suffering to many people. The rules and regulations of the ATT do not interfere with the already established system of weapon acquisition that is valid for sports marksmen, hunters and weapons collectors. The ATT do not ban armaments, since each country has a legal right to self-defense. Its aim is to establish better transparency over the conventional arms trade among the states parties. The distinctive feature of the ATT is a step-by-step method, and in this way the treaty is gradually enforced and its implementation adapted for actual situations. Nevertheless, the efficient enforcement of the ATT is prevented by the non-systematic regulation of conventional arms, ammunition, munitions, as well as of parts and components of weapons. The arms transfer activities, the non-systematic monitoring of machine and material commerce that enable arms and ammunition production are also the factors that prevent the implementation of the treaty. The ATT do not establish an efficient system of sanctions against states that violate contractual obligations.