Suchergebnisse

Disertacija sarži uvod, četiri poglavlja i zaključak. U prvom poglavlju pod naslovom "Nastanak i delovanje Organizacije ujedinjenih nacija" izložen je početak pojave ideje Međunarodne organizacije kao i istorijski razvoj ovog koncepta do svetske porodice u današnje vreme, koju čine 193 države. Takođe, dotaknuta je serija izjava kao i međunarodne konferencije koje su dovele do formiranja Organizacije ujedinjenih nacija, formulisanja njenih ciljeva i principa, kao i načina i uslova učlanjenja u tu organizaciju. Detaljnije su proučavane uloge Generalne skupštine i Saveta bezbednosti zbog njihove važnosti. U drugom poglavlju, pod naslovom "Razlozi koji ukazuju na potrebe reforme Organizacije ujedinjenih nacija", objašnjeni su sledeći razlozi neophodnosti reforme ove organizacije: 1. skretanje Ujedinjenih nacija s puta; 2. kontradiktornosti sistema Ujedinjenih nacija; 3. nedostaci Povelje Ujedinjenih nacija; 4. nedostaci u mehanizmu donošenja odluka; 5. svetske promene; 6. mistifikacija u misijama Ujedinjenih nacija; 7. moćna središta; 8. raskorak između misije i raspoloživih sredstava; 9. korupcija. U trećem poglavlju, pod naslovom "Organizacija ujedinjenih nacija između povelje i dominantne sile" objašnjen je odnos Sjedinjenih Američkih Država sa Organizacijom ujedinjenih nacija kroz sledeću grupu tačaka i tema: 1. siže američkih promena od izolacije do internacionalizma; 2. politika SAD u Ujedinjenim nacijama tokom hladnog rata; 3. stav SAD o ulozi UN u oblasti čuvanja mira, ekonomske saradnje i ljudskih prava; 4. stav SAD prema UN u periodu pre raspada Sovjetskog Saveza; 5. SAD i UN posle hladnog rata; 6. američki stav prema UN posle završetka hladnog rata 7. administracija Džordža Buša i Ujedinjene nacije (opšti stav prema međunarodnoj organizaciji, političko viđenje SAD pre i posle događaja 11. septembra 2001. godine); 8. američki interesi i reforma Ujedinjenih nacija (reforme UN i realizacija američkih interesa, američko viđenje reformi); 9. predsednik Barak Obama i njegova metodologija za promene i odnos sa UN. U četvrtom poglavlju, pod naslovom "Reforme Organizacije ujedinjenih nacija" definisan je problem ove studije kroz grupu tačaka i pitanja i istraživane su međunarodne promene koje je svet doživeo kao glavni faktor za izvršenje procesa reforme koje su potrebne Ujedinjenim nacijama. ; The dissertation consists of an introduction, four chapters and the conclusion. The first chapter:"The Emergence and the Function of the United Nations", deals with the emergence of the idea of international system , and how this idea developed historically till it reached nowadays to international family consisting of 193 states of various continents and cultures . These states are joined in an institutional frame founded on optional and contractual pillars, which is the United Nations. In addition, it deals with the chain of declarations and conferences that led to the foundation of this organization. Moreover, it focuses on the purposes, principles and membership of the United Nations, as well as the General Assembly and Security Council due to their important role in the United Nations system. The second chapter: "The Reasons for the Reform of the United Nations", deals with the necessity reasons for reform; due to the United Nations is in urgent need of it. The intended reform is to do whatever necessary to raise its efficiency and performance. Therefore, it is possible to determine the objective reasons of this reform in the following titles, and they are: 1. The deviation of United Nations from its course that it was founded for; 2. The inherent contradictions of United Nations system since its foundation, 3. The deficiencies and imbalances in the United Nations Charter; 4.The imbalance in decision –making structures and mechanisms; 5. International Changes; 6.The vagueness of tasks entrusted to the United Nations; 7. Extreme Centralism; 8. The big gap between the intended tasks to be achieved and the available resources; 9. Corruption. The third chapter: "The United Nations between the Charter and the Dominant Power", focuses on the relation between the USA with the United Nations. This is a necessary item for the research due to the current international conditions and challenges facing humanity such as local and regional conflicts, health, natural catastrophes, etc. which fall under the scope of the United Nations. The dominant role the US plays in the international arena singles out its special impact on the performance of this organization. This role has gone through many changes in recent history depending on the geopolitics of the world namely after the collapse of the Eastern Bloc and the advent of the short-lived unipolarity up to the beginning of emergence of multipolarity. Every stage marked nuances in the US policy towards the United Nations. In fact, the US approach to international affairs developed in big leaps from isolationism to its involvement in WWII and the establishment of the United Nations.

La crisi financera i econòmica mundial que viu el món globalitzat des de l'estiu de 2007 planteja la qüestió de si estem davant de la fi d'un cicle o de la fi d'un model, i posa en evidència la necessitat d'un profund debat d'idees. A banda de les causes immediates de la crisi, s'observen causes profundes que són, principalment, resultat d'un període de globalització econòmica neoliberal. Si l'efecte de la crisi als països del Nord és evident i palpable, el seu impacte als països menys desenvolupats és devastador, la revisió del Consens de Monterrey, encaminada a concretar el finançament per a l'assoliment dels Objectius de Desenvolupament del Mil·lenni, va quedar frustrada pel naixement del G20. L'abordatge polític de la crisi posa en qüestió els lideratges mundials. Si bé el G20 va voler monopolitzar el debat, finalment les Nacions Unides, de la mà del president de l'Assemblea General, el pare d'Escoto, va poder convocar la Conferència sobre la Crisi Financera i Econòmica i els seus Efectes Sobre el Desenvolupament (juny de 2009). Malgrat que els seus resultats són molt menors, i no s'hi van acordar moltes de les recomanacions del mateix president i de la Comissió Stiglitz, les conclusions de tot plegat apunten a una imprescindible reforma del sistema i de la governança de l'economia financera mundial. El "G192", es va posar, doncs, sobre la taula un model de governança democràtica mundial per abordar un crisi global d'impacte sobre la ciutadania mundial. The financial and economic crisis that has been rocking the globalised world since the summer of 2007 raises the question of whether we are looking at the end of a cycle or the end of a model and highlights the need for a thorough debate of ideas. In addition to the immediate causes of the crisis (such as the bursting of the housing bubble and the toxicity of the financial markets), several deep-rooted causes can be found, most resulting from a period of neo-liberal economic globalisation. Whilst the crisis has had a clear and tangible impact on the countries of the North, it has been calamitous for less developed countries. The damage is compounded by the fact that the review of the Monterrey Consensus, intended to find the necessary financing to achieve the Millennium Development Goals, was thwarted by the emergence of the G20. The political hijacking of the crisis casts doubt on global leadership. Although the G20 monopolised the debate, in the end, the United Nations (UN), under the leadership of the president of the General Assembly, Father Miguel d'Escoto, managed to convene the Conference on the World Financial and Economic Crisis and Its Impact on Development (June 2009). Despite the conference's modest results and the fact that no agreement was reached on many of the recommendations made by the president or the 'Stiglitz Commission', the conclusions as a whole point towards a crucial need to reform the system and governance bodies of the global financial economy. To this end, within the context of the UN, or 'G192', a model of global democratic governance was tabled to address a global crisis with an impact on global citizens ; Postprint (published version)

La crisi financera i econòmica mundial que viu el món globalitzat des de l'estiu de 2007 planteja la qüestió de si estem davant de la fi d'un cicle o de la fi d'un model, i posa en evidència la necessitat d'un profund debat d'idees. A banda de les causes immediates de la crisi, s'observen causes profundes que són, principalment, resultat d'un període de globalització econòmica neoliberal. Si l'efecte de la crisi als països del Nord és evident i palpable, el seu impacte als països menys desenvolupats és devastador, la revisió del Consens de Monterrey, encaminada a concretar el finançament per a l'assoliment dels Objectius de Desenvolupament del Mil·lenni, va quedar frustrada pel naixement del G20. L'abordatge polític de la crisi posa en qüestió els lideratges mundials. Si bé el G20 va voler monopolitzar el debat, finalment les Nacions Unides, de la mà del president de l'Assemblea General, el pare d'Escoto, va poder convocar la Conferència sobre la Crisi Financera i Econòmica i els seus Efectes Sobre el Desenvolupament (juny de 2009). Malgrat que els seus resultats són molt menors, i no s'hi van acordar moltes de les recomanacions del mateix president i de la Comissió Stiglitz, les conclusions de tot plegat apunten a una imprescindible reforma del sistema i de la governança de l'economia financera mundial. El "G192", es va posar, doncs, sobre la taula un model de governança democràtica mundial per abordar un crisi global d'impacte sobre la ciutadania mundial. The financial and economic crisis that has been rocking the globalised world since the summer of 2007 raises the question of whether we are looking at the end of a cycle or the end of a model and highlights the need for a thorough debate of ideas. In addition to the immediate causes of the crisis (such as the bursting of the housing bubble and the toxicity of the financial markets), several deep-rooted causes can be found, most resulting from a period of neo-liberal economic globalisation. Whilst the crisis has had a clear and tangible impact on the countries of the North, it has been calamitous for less developed countries. The damage is compounded by the fact that the review of the Monterrey Consensus, intended to find the necessary financing to achieve the Millennium Development Goals, was thwarted by the emergence of the G20. The political hijacking of the crisis casts doubt on global leadership. Although the G20 monopolised the debate, in the end, the United Nations (UN), under the leadership of the president of the General Assembly, Father Miguel d'Escoto, managed to convene the Conference on the World Financial and Economic Crisis and Its Impact on Development (June 2009). Despite the conference's modest results and the fact that no agreement was reached on many of the recommendations made by the president or the 'Stiglitz Commission', the conclusions as a whole point towards a crucial need to reform the system and governance bodies of the global financial economy. To this end, within the context of the UN, or 'G192', a model of global democratic governance was tabled to address a global crisis with an impact on global citizens ; Postprint (published version)

Tokom trideset godina nakon raspada socijalističke Jugoslavije, Srbija i Hrvatska su kao postjugoslovenske male države ipak drugačije osmišljavale svoje mesto u regionalnom i globalnom kontekstu. O tome svedoči i njihov različit odnos prema međunarodnim organizacijama poput Evropske unije (EU), NATO ili Ujedinjenih nacija. Ovaj članak u središte svog interesovanja uzima UN kao multilateralni forum ili arenu u kojoj se bitno predstavljaju i oblikuju spoljnopolitičke uloge i identiteti malih država. Oslanjajući se na konstruktivističku analizu spoljne politike i teoriju uloga, autor se fokusirao na glavne deonice u razvoju spoljnopolitičkih narativa Srbije i Hrvatske kao aktivnih malih država članica u Ujedinjenim nacijama. Iako obe države vide sebe kao aktivne, ta aktivnost bi trebalo da bude u funkciji dve različite, teorijski profilisane, strategije malih država. Obrazlaže se sledeći argument: dok Srbija zbog složenosti kosovskog pitanja vodi uglavnom defanzivno autonomnu strategiju u skladu sa proklamovanom vojnom neutralnošću, dotle je Hrvatska kao mala članica EU i NATO priklonjena traganju za integracionističkim uticajem u konstelaciji sa evroatlantskim partnerima. Analizom zvaničnih diskursa dveju zemalja u Generalnoj skupštini UN, između 2000. i 2020. godine, pokazano je na koji način, i u kojoj meri se njihovi diskursi o regionalnoj, evropskoj i svetskoj politici približavaju ili udaljavaju, i razmatra se šta to znači za njihova mesta u svetu. ; In 30 years after the breakup of the socialist Yugoslavia, Serbia and Croatia as small states differently envisaged their place in regional and global context. Such difference is demonstrated by their different relationships toward international organizations such as the European Union, NATO or the United Nations. This article, as its central interest takes the United Nations as a multilateral forum or an arena where small states importantly represent and shape their foreign policy identities and roles. Relying on the constructivist foreign policy analysis and ...

By modernizing society, corruption is becoming the global problem and is considered to be the main cause of state dysfunction. Widespread in a large number of countries, embracing political and social life, corruption has become the everyday life of citizens convinced that without corruption there was no proper functioning of the society. Countries in transition, with an unstable political system, are the fundament for the development of corruption. The fight against corruption is long lasting and painful issue with an unknown outcome. The enjoyment of media attention, the commitment of the European Union and the United Nations, the establishment of anti-corruption organizations and agencies within states are mechanisms to combat this global problem. Anticorruption culture as a preventive mechanism prevents the existing and emergence of new forms of corruption. Effective preventive action requires careful and long-term planning to result in a better quality of life in the future.

International pressure prevented Croatia from ending the occupation of eastern Slavonia by military means. The author claims that the policy of peaceful integration and the UNTAES mandate are rife with risks which might jeopardize the eventual Croatian control of that region. He points out a set of contentious issues related to the occupied territory: the incomplete demilitarization, dual government (parallel UNTAES and Serbian authorities), no return for the non-Serbian refugees, staying on of the Serbs from other parts of Croatia, Bosnia and Serbia. Particularly risky for Croatia are the efforts of the local Serbs to retain absolute ethnic majority as the grounds for establishing territorial autonomy which would enable the militant accolytes of Greater Serbian politics to remain in the region and push for the secession and annexation by Serbia, the efforts which would in all probability be given military support by Serbia, this time under the circumstances which would be much more unfavourable for Croatia than in 1995. The author concludes that for Croatia the only acceptable solution is the total integration of eastern Slavonia and the establishment of full Croatian sovereignty while the creation of a Serbian autonomous province in that region must on no account be permitted. (SOI: PM: S. 188)

The Secretary-General is appointed by the General Assembly upon the recommendation of the Security Council. Due to the veto power of the permanent members, lack of transparency and the recommendation of only one candidate, the appointment of the Secretary-General is basically a decision of the Security Council. UN member states, civil society organizations and schoolars point out the need for a more active role of the General Assembly during the appointment of the Secretary-General. Formation of the ad hoc working group for the revitalization of the work of the General Assembly raised this problem to a higher level. Current procedure of appointment of the Secretary-General was reasonable at the time of the adoption of the UN Charter. The circumstances of the 21st century require different solutions. The paper aims to show the necessity and possibilities of strengthening the role of the General Assembly in the process of appointment of the Secretary-General and obstacles existing in this regard. The long-term activities of the ad hoc working group for the revitalization of the work of the General Assembly gave positive results in terms of more active role of the General Assembly during the appointment of the Secretary General in 2016. The paper aims to show that the results achieved by the ad hoc working group are not long-term efficient. The most effective solution for strengthening the role of the General Assembly in the appointment of the Secretary-General is the revision of the UN Charter.