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The European Union and the United States of America perceive differently China's political & economic burgeoning. For the EU China's economic growth is a welcome development as it implies boosting the "strategic partnership," while the US thinks of it not only in the term of rivalry but also as a threat because of China's growing political & military power. Unlike the US, which focuses on the security aspect of foreign policy, the European security policy is still nascent & the Union usually does not perceive the states outside its borders as dangerous. The author argues that the complexity of the EU policies towards China means that there is yet no EU polity so the interests of various member-countries clash with the interests of the Union on the whole. The author concludes that the US will remain apprehensive regarding the potentials of China as the second superpower that might jeopardize US hegemony, while for the EU the latent political-security threat is much less important than the economic benefits. References. Adapted from the source document.

The author explores the genesis & ranges of interstate cooperation within the scope of the Adriatic Charter of Partnership, signed in Tirana on May 2, 2003 by Republic of Albania, Republic of Croatia & FYR of Macedonia, & the United States of America. First three member states of the Adriatic Charter Group have been united in their common objective to become an integral part of the NATO. USA gives strong impetus to member states of the Group to implement all the criteria for the membership in NATO promoting the "Open Door" policy. The author analyses Charter of Partnership & evaluates results of the meetings of the Partnership Commission & other mechanisms for interstate co-operation. References. Adapted from the source document.

Historian T. Jakovina spoke with the diplomat and ambassador Cvijeto Job. Job took part in the Second World War on the side of the Partisan movement, when he became a member of the Communist Party. The first diplomatic assignments of Cvijeto Job were in Oslo and London. Already in 1950 he is a member of the Yugoslavian diplomatic mission to the United Nations in New York. From 1962 to 1968 he is an advisor to the press in the Yugoslavian embassy in Washington. Following that he returns to Yugoslavia as chief of the Department for the United States of America and Canada in the Federal Secretariat for foreign affairs, and from 1971 to 1976 he is advisor to the Security Council for the Yugoslavian mission at the UN and the deputy ambassador. From 1980 to 1984 he was named the Yugoslavian ambassador to Cyprus. He was retired in 1989, until which time he had served as chief of the Group for planning politics (GZZP) in the Federal Secretariat for foreign affairs (SSIP). He left Yugoslavia in 1991 to reside in the United States. He was an associate of the United States Institute of Peace, and now he is an associate of the Institute for Policy Studies in Washington.

Unlike the debates on terrorism in everyday discourse & the media that, as a rule, imply that terrorism is an activity of nonstate groups & organizations, the author defines "terrorism" by means of its acts' nature & goals & not by its perpetrators -- hence, state terrorism. The author outlines a typology of the state's involvement in terrorism & highlights the question of terrorism's moral status. His assumption is that any act of terrorism is an ultimate moral evil, but that state terrorism is a greater evil than terrorism as practiced by nonstate actors. The author offers four arguments to corroborate this view. The last paragraph of this article speaks about counterterrorism &, finally, about the "war on terrorism" waged today by the US & its allies. 18 References. Adapted from the source document.

Rad se bavi analizom reakcija Ujedinjenih naroda na zločin terorizma u obliku inkriminacije terorizma u nizu konvencija prihvaćenih u krilu te organizacije, no još više u obliku moralnih, ali i pravnih sankcija sadržanih u političkim osudama neobvezujućih rezolucija Opće skupštine, posebice tijekom hladnog rata, kao i u obvezujućim sankcijskim rezolucijama Vijeća sigurnosti počevši od 90-ih godina prošlog stoljeća. Pritom rad upućuje na specifičan razvojni proces koji počinje sankcijama prema državama odgovornima za tzv. "državni terorizam", a u posljednjih 15-ak godina sankcije su se gotovo potpuno usmjerile prema terorističkim organizacijama kao nedržavnim akterima te su razvojem međunarodnoga kaznenog pravosuđa otvorile prostor i individualnoj međunarodnoj kaznenoj odgovornosti za taj zločin. ; This paper analyzes the United Nations' reactions to the international crime of terrorism. It focuses on counter-terrorism international conventions adopted within the UN, as well as on moral and political sanctions contained in non-binding resolutions of the General Assembly during the period of the so-called ˝Cold war˝. However, the main focus of this research is on the analysis of legally binding resolutions adopted by the Security Council starting from the 1990s. The analysis of the development of the Security Council's resolutions adopted under Chapter VII of the UN Charter indicates that these resolutions, initially addressed to states responsible for the so- called ˝state terrorism˝, gradually became directed exclusively towards terrorist organizations as non-state actors. In this context, the ˝ISIL (Da'esh) and Al-Qaida Sanctions List˝ of the Security Council is being continuously expanded with names of individuals as well as of other non-state ˝entities and other groups˝ affected by these sanctions. Unfortunately, compared to the beginnig of 2015, when only 70 ˝entities and other groups˝ were listed, in March 2017 their number increased to over 360. These ˝entities and other groups˝, which originate from Tunisia, Mali, Albania, Afghanistan, Ethiopia, Bangladesh, the Comoros, Pakistan, Indonesia, Somalia, Kenya, Tanzania, Arabian Peninsula, Libya, Sudan, Egypt, the Caucasus region, Uzbekistan, and even Bosnia and Herzegovina, differ in various ways. Some of the above mentioned ˝entities˝ aim at overthrowing the government of their country, just like ˝classical˝ insurgents as temporary subjects of international law. Other non-state actors' activities are directed towards establishing a new state (for example, Ansar Eddine, Mouvement national de libération de l'Azawad – MNLA in Mali, Sudan People's Liberation Movement – SPLM in South Sudan). International crimes committed by these organizations are not only the object of the resolutions of the Security Council, but they are also in the focus of interest of the International Criminal Court (the ICC). Although the international crime of terrorism is not covered by the jurisdiction of the ICC under the Rome Statute, certain international crimes committed by terrorists or under the auspices of terrorist organizations share some common features with crimes against humanity, which fall under the jurisdiction of the ICC. Thus, the ICC indirectly contributes to the sanctioning for the crime of terrorism. Further evolution of the international criminal justice, both through the jurisprudence of the ICC and other ad hoc international and ˝hybrid˝ courts, will most certainly contribute to the development of international criminal liability of individuals for the crime of terrorism.

Swing države izrazito su važan političko-geografski fenomen u američkoj politici, a obzirom na ulogu SAD-a u svijetu taj fenomen se posljedično odražava i na svjetsku politiku. Politički sustav SAD-a jedinstven je i omogućava nastanak swing država. U analizi su proučavani određeni demografski faktori koji utječu na glasanje u swing državama kao što su rasna, religijska i dobno-spolna struktura te visina dohotka i utjecaj ruralnosti i urbaniziranosti. Na primjeru deset odabranih swing država analizirano je što je dovelo do toga da savezna država postane swing državom ili se prestane smatrati swing državom. Analiza je pokazala da neki faktori češće utječu na swing status određene savezne države nego drugi. Promatrane swing države su to najčešće postale zbog priljeva stanovništva migracijom. Uz to, analizirana je prostorna distribucija glasova unutar swing država te vrste glasača unutar swing država ; Swing states are an extremely important political-geographical phenomenon in American politics, given the role of the United States in the world, this phenomenon is consequently reflected in world politics. The US political system is unique and allows for the emergence of swing states. The analysis examined certain demographic factors influencing voting in swing states such as racial, religious and age-sex structure as well as income levels and the impact of rurality and urbanization. On the example of ten selected swing states, it was analysed what led to the federal state becoming a swing state or ceasing to be considered a swing state. The analysis showed that some factors affect the swing status of a particular federal state more often than others. The observed swing states have most often become so due to the influx of population through migration. In addition, the spatial distribution of votes within swing states were analysed and the types of voters within swing states as well.

The article puts forward an answer to the following question: why is Iran, thirty years after the 1979 revolution, still at the center of world politics, & why is it, on top of that, a legitimate candidate for the status of one of global powers in the new, multi-polar international order. The author stresses that Iran has been the main obstacle to global ambitions of liberal democracy since 1989, & that it has developed a specific ideological & political system based on the idea of theocratic-republican dualism. Furthermore, after the end of the Cold War, it was convenient to the West to have Iran as the Antagonistic Other (and vice versa). The relative American failure in the war against Iraq (2003-) opened up for Iran the options of connecting on a wider basis with Russia, China, Venezuela & the countries of "Old Europe" (Germany & France). Since the relatively prosperous neighboring countries -- China & the four Asian tigers -- are also founded on dualistic principles, Iran did not have to be liberalized in the way that Eastern Europe was liberalized after the Cold War. As the author concludes, the election of Barack Obama for American president presents a new opportunity to normalize relations between Iran & the West, but the opportunity will be seized only if the USA is willing to accept the multi-polarity of international relations & to renounce the doctrine of liberal interventionism. Regardless of the outcome, however, there is still a very real danger of a conflict between Israel & Iran. Adapted from the source document.

The US is the front-runner of the contemporary process of globalization. The global American superiority in the political, military, economic, & cultural spheres goes hand in hand with globalization trends, focusing on the activity of the global leader. The design of the new strategic approach, which was to include its vision of new relations as well as of its global leading role, has been unhurried & circumspect. In the course of two Clinton mandates, the finishing touches of that new outlook gained concrete contours in practical actions, so it seems that the search for the place of the leader is soon going to be called off. American politics is entering the next millennium as a well-defined & organized enterprise with well-thought-out global objectives. Adapted from the source document.