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An argument is presented that instead of hiding behind political correctness; political scientists and journalists should recognize that negative campaigns benefits democracy. Examples of negative campaigning in the 2008 US Presidential election are discussed. Negative campaigning is defined. A literature review is included of criticisms against negative campaigning and the effects thereof. The author argues that criticisms of negative campaigning are presented outside historical context and rests on a naive understanding of democracy. It is suggested that it is an insult to voter intelligence to presume that false information can be disseminated by negative ads. It is maintained that negative campaigning lead to full disclosure and increased factual information to voters. Examples are provided of the losing party using negative campaigning as an excuse, rather than focusing on underlying political issues. It is argued that the media fuel the fire of negative campaigns by guaranteed extensive coverage, thus turning negative campaigns into good political strategy. The value of negative campaigns is increased voter interest, which lead to a better democracy. References. E. Sundby

Since Russia's annexation of Crimea in 2014, Northern Europe has increasingly aligned its national defence arrangements with the United States and NATO. This contrasts with the Cold War period, when Sweden and Finland were neutral, and Norway and Denmark put self-imposed restraints on their NATO memberships. Providing Northern Europe with a stable "buffer" between East and West, this so-called Nordic balance kept the United States and Soviet Union at an arm's length. Since 2014 however, Northern Europe has de facto slid from "buffer" to "springboard" for US forces. This slide may counter Russian assertiveness, but there is also reason to argue that it may increase regional tension and unpredictability. If so, this may leave the entire region with less rather than more security. Using the case of Norway, it is argued that too close an alignment with NATO may have accelerated Norway's role as a "springboard" for US forces. This is because cost-intensive reforms needed to accommodate US expectations abroad have also exacerbated critical vulnerabilities at home. Increased dependency on US forces thereby makes difficult the balance between deterrence and restraint vis-à-vis Russia.

This article provides an outline of the history of the American Empire's rise and transformations. The analysis examines the political situation in America around 1800 when the country was established as a republic at a time when international imperialism was prevalent with still powerful British, French, and Spanish empires. The article argues that the territorial expansion within the North American continent was conducted within the realms of imperial ideology, although, unlike other empires, once included in the empire each state became an equal participant in the central authority. The article poses a new type of empire that have emerged in America following the second world war; an American Empire based on international alliances for the purpose of international and national security based on voluntary participation, although subject to economic support or sanction. The article suggests that the war on terrorism has brought power politics and alliances that mirror classic imperial ideals, with an increase in military presence to enforce imperial alliances. The author concludes that based on the problems experienced with imperialistic use of power in Afghanistan and Iraq it is unlikely that the U.S. is establishing a new classical empire. This article is one in a series of articles on the topic of empires. References. E. Sundby

This article examines how John McCain has formed his foreign policy and what the world can expect should McCain become the next US President. A summary of McCain's military career is included, with a focus on his years as a prisoner of war in Vietnam. McCain's voting record on foreign policy issues is examined and inconsistencies are pointed out and explained. It is argued that the threat of terrorism will be McCain's major focus in foreign policy, and that he will likely focus on spreading democracy and fighting tyranny to increase security. There is a summary of McCain's stance on a number on foreign policy issues, including radical Islam groups, the war on terror, Iraq, Iran, the UN, NATO, a League of Democracies, and global warming, as well as a discussion of limitations to the President's ability to conduct foreign policy, including military capacity, economic limitations, and political support. It is concluded that McCain would be based on spreading American moral values and democracy, and that his administration would largely continue the foreign policies of the Bush administration. References. E. Sundby

The role of think tanks in American politics has been increasingly subjected to systematic analysis over the last 10-15 years. In this article I review some of this literature, focusing mainly on the questions of what think tanks are, why this phenomenon is so strongly associated with the US, & what influence think tanks have on US policy-making. Think tanks comprise a wide range of organizations, from pure research institutions to the ideologically-based "advocacy think tanks" characterized by their combination of a strong political agenda & aggressive marketing techniques. The American political system has several features that allow think tanks access to the decision-making process, such as a fragmented structure with a weak party system, a central role for the mass media, & an issue-dominated political agenda. There is no good measure of the general influence of think tanks in US politics, but case studies indicate that the central role of the ideologically-based advocacy think tanks may serve to undermine the role of experts in American politics in the long term. References. Adapted from the source document.

1970s military dictatorship in Latin America was followed by a democratization process in the 1980s, at a point when military powers had devastated the economy & more than doubled foreign debt. Now, in the beginning of the twenty-first century, the region finds itself in a period marked by governments that, perhaps more than ever before, are characterized by their reaction to the neo-liberal policies of the 1990s. Of particular concern in this respect is the changing relationship between the region & the United States, which in turn opens opportunity for the involvement of other international actors in the sphere. This brings about a high degree of uncertainty both for Latin America itself as well as for the international community. Some of the many cases of Latin American economies & politics in crisis are described here in detail. C Brunski

The chief objective of the Iraq War has been branded as US control of the Middle East. Rising oil imports, stronger pro-Israeli interests & the demise of a Soviet rival power have resulted in a US Middle East policy more based on force than on diplomacy. Both for the US & Israel important interests are at stake. The reconstruction of Iraq's large oil industry is likely to influence the world oil market for decades. For Israel an alliance of Iraq & Syria might be critical. Israel does not have the resources to control its strategic environment, & any Israeli use of force requires US support. Thus the US occupation of Iraq & any plans to invade Iran dampen pressure on Israel to find a negotiated settlement with the Palestinians, Lebanon & Syria, while a US withdrawal from Iraq would increase pressure. While it might be in the US interest to weaken the Arab states & their control over oil, a fragmentation could be in Israel's interest. The draft Iraqi oil law suffers from a lack of clarity that might compromise the government's bargaining position. Iraq can rebuild its oil industry through service contracts that eventually might be paid in oil. Many large, proven fields with a low geological risk preclude any need to explore for new prospects or grant equity shares in fields already indicated, or to enter into long-term oil contracts as long as the war lasts. The US occupant has, however, a pressing need to kick-start the Iraqi oil industry. Finally, the article discusses prospects for US policy on the Middle East in the years to come. References. Adapted from the source document.

A little over a month before election day, victory in the race between George W. Bush & John Kerry appeared to depend on closely divided opinion among voters in a few battleground states, whose blocks of votes in the Electoral College could well decide the outcome. The essay interprets polls, interviews, & news reports with registered voters in four of these states: two so-called small states, one leaning toward Bush (MO) & one leaning toward Kerry (WA); & two large states, both highly contested, but one leaning toward Bush in some recent polls (OH), & another where opinion is too close to call the likely result (PA). The analysis focuses on the issues that voters considered most important in these states & nationally, policy regarding the economic problems, especially job losses, & approaches to dealing with terrorism & the war in Iraq. 28 References. Adapted from the source document.

Discusses the Vietnam War in the United States, Norway and Sweden from the perspective of the public and the political leadership. In the 1970s, many revisionist historians, who studied only the latter half of the War's duration, erroneously claimed that Norway held a critical view of the Vietnam War. In reality, the Norwegian Labor Party held a somewhat positive opinion of the war that only swung once the Swedish Social Democratic Party had heavily criticized it. L. Pitkaniemi