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The Nancy N. Boothe papers, 1980-2009 [bulk 1990-1997], are composed of articles, notes, reports and a wide variety of feminist publications. Much of the material documents the U.N. Fourth World Conference on Women, which Ms. Boothe attended as Executive Director of Atlanta's Feminist Women's Health Center. Artifacts, artwork and textiles relate to the conference and to other women's and health issues. ; Born in Battles Wharf, Alabama (1948), Nancy N. Boothe graduated from the University of South Alabama as a registered nurse (1971). She received a B.S. in nursing from the Medical College of Georgia (1976), and a master's degree in Counseling from Troy State University [Florida Region] (1981). Boothe served in the U.S. Nurse Corps in the U.S. and Korea (1970-1984), and worked as clinical director and consultant at a number of health facilities in Louisiana and Florida. She became Executive Director of the Atlanta Feminist Women's Health Center in 1994. In 1995, she attended the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing, China, where she taught the workshop, ""GYN Self-Help."" Boothe has served on the boards of All Women's Health Services in Portland and Eugene, Oregon; the Sexual Assault Center, Atlanta, Georgia; and the Jeanette Rankin Foundation, Athens, Georgia. She is also a member of the Feminist Majority Foundation's ""Women's Commission for Congressional Oversight"" and A.P.D. Citizen Review Panel.; Founded in California in 1971 by Carol Downer (1933-) and Lorraine Rothman (1932-2007), the Feminist Women's Health Center was established to empower women through self-knowledge, education and self-help groups. The Atlanta Feminist Women's Health Center was established in 1977. Its mission is to ""provide accessible, comprehensive gynecological healthcare to all who need it without judgment. As innovative healthcare leaders, [they] work collaboratively within [their] community and nationally to promote reproductive health, rights and justice. [They] advocate for wellness, uncensored health information and fair public policies by educating the larger community and empowering [their] clients to make their own decisions.""; The United Nations convened the Fourth World Conference on Women, September 4-15, 1995, in Beijing, China, with a Platform for Action that aimed at achieving greater equality and opportunity for women. Three previous World Conferences were held in Mexico City (International Women's Year, 1975), Copenhagen (1980) and Nairobi (1985). 189 governments and more than 5,000 representatives from 2,100 non-governmental organizations participated in the Beijing Conference. The principal themes were the advancement and empowerment of women in relation to women's human rights, women and poverty, women and decision-making, the girl-child, violence against women and other areas of concern. The resulting documents of the Conference are The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action. The U.N. Fourth World Conference on Women manifested a global women's movement for change and has been called ""the Woodstock of the women's movement.""; The World Conference on Women was also accompanied by an informal meeting (August 30-September 8) of non-governmental organizations (NGOs). This NGO Forum on Women, Beijing '95, brought together thousands of women from around the world to exchange information and ideas, celebrate women's achievements and contributions and draw attention and develop solutions to discrimination facing women world-wide.

Cui, Yan. ; Thesis Ph.D. Chinese University of Hong Kong 2015. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 236-251). ; Abstracts also in Chinese. ; Title from PDF title page (viewed on 15, September, 2016).

美国和加拿大都是传统移民国家,家庭团聚是美国、加拿大移民政 策法规的重要组成部分。而对这一问题的研究,中国学术界极为薄弱。加强对家庭团聚移民政策的研究,对于深入剖析美国、加拿大移民法体系,发展两国经济,维持社会稳定与发展,具有重要理论和现实意义。本文分析了美国、加拿大家庭团聚移民政策,认为美国和加拿大都是传统移民国家,家庭团聚是美国、加拿大移民政策法规的重要组成部分,或者说是移民法体系的核心。实施综合移民改革,使家人得以团聚,意义重大,它使国家获得安全,经济得以恢复,这个艰辛而智慧的立法过程,也在最佳程度上反映了美国人和加拿大人的价值观。目前要求放宽家庭团聚的民间呼声持续高涨,体现美国和加拿大人价值观的"家庭团聚"成为难以被忽视的移民改革核心话题。The United States and Canada are traditional nation of immigrants, the United States, Canada family reunion is an important part of the immigration policies and regulations. But the study on this problem, Chinese academia is very weak. To strengthen the family reunion immigration policy research, for in-depth analysis of American, Canadian immigration law system, development of bilateral economy, maintain social stability and development, has the important theory and the practical significance. This paper analyzes the United States, Canada family reunion immigration policy, thinks the United States and Canada are traditional nation of immigrants, the United States, Canada family reunion is an important part of the immigration policies and regulations, or is the immigration law system core. The implementation of comprehensive immigration reform, make family to reunite, the sense is great, it makes national security, economic recovery, the hardships and the wisdom of the legislative process, but also in the best reflect the values Americans and Canadians. At present the requirement relaxes family folk voice rising, the United States and Canadian values embodiment of" family reunion" to be neglected the core topic for immigration reform. ; Non UBC ; Unreviewed ; Other

本論文從兩個方面研究了1996年美國福利制度改革對單身母親的影響。首先,本文研究了在SSI和AFDC/TANF兩個政府福利計劃之間是否存在替代效應。其次,本文研究了福利制度改革是否令到更多的單身母親變得邊緣化(沒有參與工作亦沒有領取政府福利),以及研究她們的長期生活情況。利用美國三個具代表性的調查數據庫, difference-in-difference分析以及logistic回歸分析方法,本文有以下四點結論:(一)SSI和AFDC計劃之間並不存在替代效應;(二)對AFDC/TANF計劃實行五年的領取期限令到部分單身母親變得邊緣化;(三)在年福利改革之後,被邊緣化的單身母親在食物消費上並沒有發生太大的變化;(四)被邊緣化的單身母親傾向將她們多餘的時間分配在個人娛樂方面而不是在家務和照顧小孩上面。雖然年的福利改革成功地減少了領取/計劃的人數,但政策制定者仍需注意改革令到更多的單身母親變得邊緣化,同時應制定相關政策來幫助她們。 ; This paper studies the effect of the 1996 welfare reform on single mothers, focusing on two important aspects. First, it examines the existence of programme substitution between SSI and former AFDC/TANF recipients after the reform. Second, it examines the prevalence of single mothers who were disconnected from government assistance and the job market since the reform and evaluates their long-term well-being. Using three major nationally representative surveys, difference-in-difference analysis, and logistic regression models, I arrive at four main findings. First, I find no evidence of a programme substitution effect between AFDC/TANF and SSI. Second, the five-year time limit policy is suggested as being responsible for part of the increase in the disconnected rate among single mothers. Third, disconnected single mothers did not face a food insecurity problem after welfare reform. Fourth, disconnected single mothers allocate much more time to personal entertainment than to productive activities such as housework and child care. While the 1996 welfare reform has succeeded in reducing AFDC/TANF caseloads, policy makers should pay attention to its effects on the disconnectedness of single mothers and help such women leave their disconnected status. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Hoi, Kam Un. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 59-62). ; Abstracts also in Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.ii ; 摘要 --- p.iii ; Acknowledgements --- p.iv ; Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 2 --- The AFDC Programme and the 1996 Welfare ...

submitted by Suen Bing. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 87-90). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.i ; Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter One: --- Republicanism and Progressive Historical Interpretations ; What is Republicanism? --- p.7 ; Republicanism as a Guiding Philosophy in Progressive Historical Scholarship --- p.16 ; Chapter Chapter Two: --- Frederick Jackson Turner's Frontier Democracy: A Republican Way of Thinking ; How Turner's thesis related frontier conditions with democracy? --- p.20 ; In what way is Turner's thesis affected by republicanism? --- p.24 ; A trace of republican idealism in Turner's later articles --- p.26 ; The safety valve hypothesis: A supplement to Turner's free land ´ؤ democracy relationship --- p.31 ; Free land - democracy vs. Education - democracy --- p.35 ; Chapter Chapter Three: --- Industrial Democracy and American Civilization: The Two Sides of Charles A. Beard's Republican Thinking ; The Industrial Society (1901) --- p.42 ; An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United States (1913) --- p.46 ; "Contemporary American History, 1877-1913 (1914)" --- p.51 ; The Rise of American Civilization (1927) --- p.54 ; The American Spirit (1942) --- p.58 ; Chapter Chapter Four: --- William Appleman Williams' Inheritance of Progressive Historians' Republican Tradition ; American Russian Relations: 1871 ´ؤ1947 and The Tragedy of American Diplomacy --- p.64 ; The Contours of American History --- p.72 ; Great Evasion and Empire as a Way of Life --- p.77 ; Conclusion --- p.83 ; Bibliography --- p.87

by Wan Fang. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 74-80). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.ii ; Acknowledgments --- p.iii ; Chapter Chapter I --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter II --- Literature Review & Conceptualization --- p.3 ; Chapter Chapter III --- Media Coverage & Hypotheses --- p.27 ; Chapter Chapter IV --- Methods --- p.36 ; Chapter Chapter V --- Results --- p.44 ; Chapter Chapter VI --- Conclusions & Discussions --- p.57 ; Endnotes --- p.65 ; References --- p.69 ; Figures & Tables --- p.77

Law Wing Fai. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves [151]-156). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; ABSTRACT --- p.I ; 摘要 --- p.II ; ACKNOWLEDGEMENT --- p.III ; TABLE OF CONTENTS --- p.IV ; Chapter CHAPTER ONE --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Background --- p.1 ; Purpose --- p.3 ; Organization --- p.4 ; Chapter CHAPTER TWO --- REVIEW OF THEORIES AND LITERATURE --- p.5 ; The Literature on Foreign Direct Investment --- p.5 ; The Literature on Legal Issues --- p.10 ; Chapter CHAPTER THREE --- METHODOLOGY --- p.17 ; Data Collection --- p.17 ; Control Variables in Detail --- p.20 ; Design of Regression Models --- p.26 ; Methodology --- p.28 ; Chapter CHAPTER FOUR --- THE EFFECTS OF LEGAL FACTORS ON INVESTMENT MODE SELECTION --- p.29 ; Rationale for the Study --- p.29 ; Fundamental Differences between Partial Acquisition and JV --- p.30 ; Importance of Legal Institutions in the Choice of M&A and JV --- p.33 ; Hypothesis on the Effects of Legal Factors on Investment Mode Selection --- p.34 ; Hypothesis on Legal Origin --- p.34 ; Hypothesis on Shareholder Protection --- p.36 ; Hypothesis on the Government Enforcement Efficiency --- p.39 ; Hypothesis on Securities Regulation --- p.42 ; Hypothesis on Accounting Standard and Corporate Transparency --- p.42 ; Hypothesis on Other Legal Issues --- p.43 ; Empirical Evidence for the Effects of Legal Factors on Investment Mode Selection --- p.45 ; Legal Origin --- p.45 ; Shareholder Protection --- p.48 ; Government Enforcement Efficiency --- p.50 ; "Securities Regulation, Accounting Standard and Corporate Transparency" --- p.52 ; Other Legal Issues --- p.54 ; Chapter CHAPTER FIVE --- THE EFFECTS OF LEGAL FACTORS ON OWNERSHIP PROPORTION DECISION --- p.57 ; Rationale for the Study --- p.57 ; Hypothesis on the Effects of Legal Factors on Ownership Proportion Decision --- p.57 ; Hypothesis on Legal Origin --- p.59 ; Hypothesis on Shareholder Protection --- p.59 ; Hypothesis on Government Enforcement Efficiency --- ...

The enactment of the FCPA and the formation of the OECD Anti-Bribery Convention created two historical events for theoretical analysis: because the FCPA unprecedentedly criminalized transnational bribery in 1977, its wisdom was initially questioned. Then, since the Convention endorsed the FCPA approach in 1997, academic focus was shifted to the practical effect of the Convention in controlling transnational bribery-—which is also the topic of this study. ; This study develops argument based on an awareness of the limitation of a popular methodology in current literature-—the problem-solving paradigm. This paradigm is grounded in the rational-choice tradition, assumes signatories' enforcement of the Convention as resulting from their self-serving purposes, labels the current level of Convention enforcement as "ineffective-enforcement", and borrows solutions from conventional collective action theories to prescribe. This paradigm well explains why most signatories have brought few enforcement actions. Yet its excessive commitment to orthodoxies prevents scholars from grasping the uniqueness of the collaboration and prescribing successful solutions. Besides, it avoids explaining why some signatories have indeed enforced the Convention. A historical approach that draws causality from a process's historicity is thus proposed as a supplementary methodology. ; This study analyzes signatories' compliance with the Convention by four steps: First, it explains a seemingly outdated but unexplained question—the dynamic of the institutionalization of the OECD anti-bribery collaboration, and finds that the central institutions did not result from signatories' trading off conflicting values and interests, but from their attempts to coordinate demands of different stakeholders within given institutional contexts. ; Second, this study explains why most signatories tend to defect rather than faithfully enforce the Convention, following the logic of the problem-solving paradigm: destabilizing factors in the indigenous collaboration ...

Lam Kwan Heung. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2006. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 135-137). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese; appendices in English with some Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.ii-iv ; Acknowledgement --- p.v ; Table of Contents --- p.vi ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1-6 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review --- p.7-22 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Research Methods --- p.23-35 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- An Overview on Hainan --- p.36-46 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Framing of Hainan --- p.47-92 ; Chapter ´Ø --- International law and order ; Chapter ´Ø --- U.S. peacekeeping surveillance ; Chapter ´Ø --- Victimized U.S ; Chapter Chapter 6 --- Framing of China --- p.93-125 ; Chapter ´Ø --- China's skewed media ; Chapter ´Ø --- China as a problematic communist state ; Chapter ´Ø --- China as a secretive military power ; Chapter ´Ø --- China's aggression towards Taiwan ; Chapter ´Ø --- China's buying off U.S. politicians ; Chapter Chapter 7 --- Conclusion --- p.126-134 ; Bibliography --- p.135-137 ; Appendices --- p.138-182

胡錦濤在二○一一年訪問美國是極其重要的中美外交事件,作為世界上兩個最大的經濟體,尤其在國際社會的共同命運和國家和國際經濟動盪的時刻,中美關係發揮顯著作用。 ; 本論文特別側重說明美國政府和新聞媒介如何建構胡錦濤訪問美國,並塑造為一個慶祝國際政治媒介事件,說明政府在建構新聞語霸權,且取得美國新聞媒體的合作。它最終引發了媒體社會學的問題,媒體民主問題和人文與經濟價值之間的鬥爭。 ; 這兩個國家之間日益增長的戰略和務實的關係,是突顯社會的政治背景,導致胡錦濤訪問美國作為一個媒介事件,形成一個變贏的和平競賽,以及慶祝和友好熱惰的表現。 ; 胡錦濤訪問美國以及美國電視新聞作為本研究的主要焦點,說明媒體往往採取在媒介事件中互相尊重,雙羸 ,和平和樂觀的態度。美國的電視新聞媒體會在臨鍵的時刻偏向政府。 ; Hu Jin Tao's U.S. visit in 2011 is an extremely important diplomatic event in U.S.-China relations in the past thirty years or so, which calls for bilateral and international attention, as the relations between the world's two biggest economies play a significant role in the common fate of the global community, at a time of national and international economic turmoil. ; This thesis specifically focusing on explicating the journalistic construction of Hu's U.S. visit as a historical and celebrative international political media event, a news discourse constructed out of hegemonic governmental influences and the cooperation of U.S. news media. It eventually raised media sociological questions upon the professionalism of U.S. news media in relations to U.S. foreign policy, media democracy and humanistic question over the struggle between economic pragmatism and individual freedom, especially in international integration. ; The growing strategic and pragmatic relationship between the two nations is the foregrounding social-political context that leads to the journalistic framing of the visit as a media event, a win-win peaceful contest, and an celebrative and friendly welcoming performance. And that the American TV news media tend to pay more reverence towards the government during critical historic political moment, in this case the U.S. visit by Hu. The U.S news media, with TV news as the main focus in this study, tend to adopt the ritualistic media event script in framing the visit in an respectful, peaceful and optimistic manner. There is a discursive news storyline of Hu's state visit as a win-win media event starts from the tension between the two states and then a ...

Levine Zachary Jonah. ; Thesis submitted in: November 2006. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2007. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 107-126). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; "Title Page, Abstracts, Acknowledgements" --- p.i-v ; Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter One: --- The Formation of a Taiwanese Identity --- p.6 ; Chapter Chapter Two: --- Literature Review --- p.27 ; Chapter Chapter Three: --- The Current State of Relations Between the United States of America and the People's Republic of China --- p.46 ; Chapter Chapter Four: --- The History and Nature of America's Security Commitment to Taiwan --- p.56 ; Chapter Chapter Five: --- Analysis of the Anti-Secession Law --- p.67 ; Chapter Chapter Six: --- Reasons Behind the Passage of the Anti-Secession Law --- p.76 ; Chapter Chapter Seven: --- Effects of the Anti-Secession Law --- p.93 ; Chapter Chapter Eight: --- Conclusion --- p.102 ; Sources --- p.107

It is generally acknowledged that Europe will not be a super power in the sense of a political-military ensemble on an equal footing with the United States or China. Europeans reject this possibility across the board. Moreover, even if they wanted to go that route, wouldn't it expose them to reproducing on a European scale what they have struggled to combat amongst themselves: the idea of becoming a great power with all the attributes of force and supremacy that such a project implies?So if Europe will not be a super power, how can it be a power at all? Probably by reinforcing what remains its major political resource: its capacity to produce and set up at the global level a system of norms as broad-sweeping as possible that can organize the world, discipline the interplay of its actors, introduce predictability in their behavior, develop among them a sense of collective responsibility, and offer those who engage on this path, particularly the weakest, at least the partial possibility to use these norms as an argument/force* against all, including the world's most powerful.The task may seem colossal, even outrageous. It probably is, but does Europe have any other choice but to assume its responsibility as a normative power? Probably not.[publisher's website]

It is generally acknowledged that Europe will not be a super power in the sense of a political-military ensemble on an equal footing with the United States or China. Europeans reject this possibility across the board. Moreover, even if they wanted to go that route, wouldn't it expose them to reproducing on a European scale what they have struggled to combat amongst themselves: the idea of becoming a great power with all the attributes of force and supremacy that such a project implies?So if Europe will not be a super power, how can it be a power at all? Probably by reinforcing what remains its major political resource: its capacity to produce and set up at the global level a system of norms as broad-sweeping as possible that can organize the world, discipline the interplay of its actors, introduce predictability in their behavior, develop among them a sense of collective responsibility, and offer those who engage on this path, particularly the weakest, at least the partial possibility to use these norms as an argument/force* against all, including the world's most powerful.The task may seem colossal, even outrageous. It probably is, but does Europe have any other choice but to assume its responsibility as a normative power? Probably not.[publisher's website]

Kam Ying Chuen. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2000. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 81-83). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 2 --- Overview of Hong Kong Stock Market --- p.3 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Stock Exchange of Hong Kong --- p.3 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Hang Seng Index --- p.4 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Influences of the United States --- p.5 ; Chapter 2.4 --- Hong Kong Government's Intervention --- p.6 ; Chapter 3 --- Literature Review --- p.8 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Stable and Student t Distributions --- p.8 ; Chapter 3.2 --- Generalized Distribution --- p.10 ; Chapter 3.3 --- Socio-economic Model --- p.11 ; Chapter 3.4 --- Extreme Value Analysis --- p.11 ; Chapter 4 --- Methodology --- p.14 ; Chapter 4.1 --- Homogeneous Model --- p.15 ; Chapter 4.2 --- Inhomogeneous Model --- p.15 ; Chapter 4.3 --- Model Validity --- p.16 ; Chapter 4.3.1 --- Exceedance Rate --- p.17 ; Chapter 4.3.2 --- Distribution of Excesses --- p.17 ; Chapter 4.3.3 --- Independence --- p.18 ; Chapter 5 --- Data --- p.19 ; Chapter 5.1 --- Minute-by-minute Returns --- p.20 ; Chapter 5.2 --- Daily returns --- p.21 ; Chapter 5.3 --- Explanatory Variables for the Inhomogeneous Model --- p.21 ; Chapter 6 --- Empirical Results: Minute-by-minute Returns --- p.24 ; Chapter 6.1 --- Shape Parameter k --- p.24 ; Chapter 6.2 --- Location Parameter μ --- p.25 ; Chapter 6.3 --- Scale Parameter σ --- p.26 ; Chapter 6.4 --- Conditional Scale Parameter ψ --- p.27 ; Chapter 6.5 --- Specification Test --- p.29 ; Chapter 7 --- Empirical Results: Daily Returns --- p.29 ; Chapter 7.1 --- Homogeneous Model --- p.30 ; Chapter 7.2 --- Inhomogeneous Model --- p.31 ; Chapter 7.2.1 --- Constant Term --- p.32 ; Chapter 7.2.2 --- Dow Jones Industrial Average Returns --- p.33 ; Chapter 7.2.3 --- Volatility Indicators --- p.34 ; Chapter 7.2.4 --- Monday Dummy --- p.35 ; Chapter 7.2.5 --- Time Trend --- p.36 ; Chapter 7.2.6 --- Duration Dummy --- p.37 ; Chapter 7.2.7 --- Indicator for the Behavior of the ...

粤劇亦被譽為「南國紅豆」已有三百多年歷史是中國傳統戲曲之一。粤劇流傳於南中國,香港,以及海外華人的社會,其中以廣州佛山一帶最為著名。然而在近年外來文化的影響下,粤劇逐漸被忽視。自二零零九年起,粤劇正式被列為聯合國教科文組織人類非物質文化遺產。隨著國家政府對粤劇的重視,地方傳統曲藝在廣州的發展亦產生了變化。本論文以廣州粤劇的音樂社區為中心,著眼於樂師,把樂師分為業餘者,職業樂師及國家級演奏員三類。本論文亦論述粤劇樂師在粤劇國家化的過程中所面對的改變及所扮演的角色,並探討粤劇由一種地方性的民間傳統藝術演變為一項代表國家的非物質文化遺產對當地音樂社區造成的衝擊。 ; Since Cantonese Opera was declared an intangible cultural heritage representation by United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) in 2009, the Chinese government has carried out different policies to "develop Cantonese Opera. This study looks at the recent "development" of Cantonese Opera in Guangzhou from the perspective of musicians. In Guangzhou, different forms of performing groups are present, from privately organized interest groups to state-managed national troupes. This study divides the music community in Guangzhou into three sub-communities: amateurs, professionals and national musicians and investigates the changing lifestyle and way of interaction of musicians within the music community due to the changes that have occurred in Guangzhou with the listing of Cantonese Opera as an intangible cultural heritage. ; This research focuses on the musicians in the Cantonese Opera music community in Guangzhou. Based on a three-month intensive fieldwork and two pilot studies conducted in 2011 using participant observation and indepth interview, this thesis aims to explore the following questions: in what ways are the musicians' social life and mode of living altered? Has the whole music community become more strengthened and united owing to the social changes? Or is the music community becoming more stratified? Is the music community harmonious or full of dissonance? ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Cheung, Ah Li. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 127-133). ; Abstracts also in Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.i ; 摘要 --- p.ii ; Acknowledgements --- p.iii ; Table of Contents --- p.v ; List of Figures and Tables --- p.vii ; Chapter ...