Suchergebnisse

Rezension von: Uwe Schmidt: Lehrer im Gleichschritt. Der Nationalsozialistische Lehrerbund Hamburg. Hamburg: Hamburg University Press 2006 (114 S.; ISBN 3-937816-26-7; 14,50 EUR).

The following address was given as the opening reception by Prof. Dr. Gertraud Koch, University of Hamburg, at the "Sharing is Caring - Hamburg Extension" conference on collaboration in the GLAM sector (galleries, libraries, archives, museums), a joint event by the Museum für Kunst und Gewerbe Hamburg and the University of Hamburg, on April 20, 2017. For the video documentation see https://lecture2go.uni-hamburg.de/l2go/-/get/v/21392; for the conference's closing statement and documentation see: http://sharecare.nu/hamburg-2017/

On Wenger's release from military service and his wish to continue his graduate work at washington University in January 1946. ; Typewritten carbon copy of original letter. ; 1-page letter ; Correspondence

2013 was the 80th year of the takeover of power by the National Socialists in 1933, the 75th year of the Reichspogromnacht" on 9 November 193, and the 70th year of the air raids on Hamburg by allied groups known as ""Operation Gomorrha"" in the summer of 1943. With the slogan ""Hamburg remembers 2013"", a large number of commemoration ceremonies were held. The University of Hamburg was involved in the program of events during the commemorative year through several of its institutions. For its central event, it chose the reference date of 7 April 1933, the day on which the ""Law on the Restoration of Professional Officials"" came into force - the basis for the dismissals of ""non-Aryan"" and politically undesirable university teachers in Germany. This volume brings together the four speeches given at the event on 8 April 2013. The commemoration ceremony on April 8,2013 and its documentation are part of a thirty-year-long intensive engagement of the University of Hamburg with its history in the ""Third Reich"" - a confrontation that has to be continued and revived over and over again over the course of generations."

After the occupation of Hamburg by British troops on May 3rd, 1945, the Hamburg University was closed, but reopened on November 6th, 1945 - half a year after the end of the "Third Reich" and the Second World War. On the occasion of the 70th anniversary of this reopening on 6 November 2015, the University of Hamburg took the opportunity to publicly discuss the difficult transition of its own institution from the Nazi dictatorship into the democratic post-war period. This volume of "Hamburger Universitätsreden" documents the four speeches held on on this occation.

The district heating grid of Hamburg is the second largest in Germany, following Berlin. 1200 km heating network supplies appr. 500.000 consumers (equally divided between private households and commercial customers). Today, the district heating network of Hamburg consists of 25-30 different grids, of which the largest one, covering appr. 80 % of consumption, is owned and operated by Vattenfall. District heating covers only 20 percent of the overall heat supply, but induces 30 % of the CO2 emissions of the heating sector. The primary form of heat supply in Hamburg is individual heating based on natural gas. In contrast to the German electricity supply, there is almost no renewable energy in the heating sector. Because heat production is coal-based, the CO2 emissions from district heating in Hamburg are higher than those of individual gas-based heating. There is a large public and political resistance towards coal based district heating, and therefore a push towards increasing the share of renewable energy sources in the heating sector, and the need of developing an "open heating platform" is part of the discourse. As a result of a referendum held in 2013, the district heating system will be 're-municipalized' in 2019 and hence be sold from Vattenfall and EON to the City of Hamburg (FHH, Freie und Hansestadt Hamburg). After the referendum, Hamburg does virtually not have any heat planning, since until now, this was the responsibility of the private actors. With an open heating platform, there is potential for integrating new heat suppliers, e.g.: - Heat from the river Elbe via large heat pumps - Wastewater heat via large heat pumps - Integration of wind energy from Schleswig-Holstein (Power2Heat): According to the Think Tank 'Agora Energiewende', the potential for wind used in the heating sector is 2,3 TWh/year by 2023, due to low electricity prices. Today, taxes and duties prevent such a use of wind in the heating sector. Falling electricity prices constitute a risk element for district heating based on co-production of electricity and heat, especially after the coal powered power plant Moorburg started operating in February 2015. This reinforces the price dampening effect on electricity prices from increased wind production in northern Germany. Basing district heating on heat souces not based on co-production with electricity therefore becomes increasingly important.

This dissertation investigates the intersections of music, print, devotion, and city culture in Hamburg around 1600, a period of general prosperity for the city that also saw a new flourishing of the print industry throughout Germany. The time period under consideration begins with the debut of printed Lutheran hymnals in Hamburg at mid-century, and culminates in the career of Hieronymus Praetorius (1560-1629), whose publications of sacred polyphony were among the first of their kind in the North. Hamburg is chosen not only because of its prominence as a musical center, but also because of its autonomous political position as a Hanseatic city, which distinctly influenced the cultural climate in which this music originated.Combining methodologies of cultural history and the sociology of texts with traditional methods of musical and textual analysis, I link the upsurge of Hamburg's musical cultures around 1600 to the contemporary flowering of print and the book in the German-speaking lands. Musical books - hymnals, liturgical compendia, printed collections of vocal polyphony, and pamphlets containing occasional motets - took part in larger cultural programs of devotional education, both in the humanistic climate of the Latin school and in vernacular Protestant lay culture. At the same time, these works and the music they contained were integral expressions of a Hanseatic civic culture that exulted in autonomy, yet freely adopted aristocratic modes of representation and ceremonial. The printed vocal works of Hieronymus Praetorius and his son Jacob Praetorius (1586-1651) take center stage in my investigation, both because of the instrumental role of these composers in the musical life of Hamburg around 1600 and because of their legacies in musical print. In particular, case studies of Hieronymus's three motet collections ( Cantiones sacrae , 1599, 1607, and 1622; Cantiones variae , 1618; Cantiones novae officiosae , 1625) and Jacob Praetorius's individually printed wedding motets (1601-1635) delineate essential characteristics of the function of the motet in early modern North Germany. Taking surviving imprints as its starting point, then, this study essays a cultural history of music in Hamburg, offering a new perspective on one of North Germany's leading musical cities at a pivotal period.

In Deutschland werden gegenwärtig verschiedene stadtpolitische Re-Regulierungen beobachtet: neue Wohnungsbauprogramme, Instrumente zur Mietpreisbegrenzung oder Ansätze zur Restriktion von Investitionen in Gentrifizierungsgebieten. Nun wird diskutiert, ob solche 'sozialen' Re-Regulierungen einen Bruch mit urbaner Neoliberalisierung anzeigen. Der Aufsatz geht dieser Frage am Beispiel Hamburgs nach. Hier haben Forscher_innen kontroverse Positionen vertreten, ob 'progressive' Strategien hin zu einer 'Stadt für alle' zu beobachten sind. Der Aufsatz stellt zunächst die stadtpolitischen Re-Regulierungen vor und rekonstruiert anschließend die darin produktiven normativ-strategischen Rationalitäten politisch-administrativer Akteur_innen. Die zusammenführende Analyse zeigt, dass sich in Hamburg sozial-integrierte und unternehmerische Strategien zu einem 'Urbanismus der Ungleichheit' verdichten. Die 'Stadt für alle' soll durch Strategien der Verbürgerlichung realisiert werden, die Ungleichheiten verstärken. ; In Germany, the housing question is back on the agenda. Various political reregulations could be observed, aiming at 'affordable housing for all'. Now, researchers discuss whether these 'social' re-regulations indicate an end of urban neoliberalization. I contribute to this debate by analyzing urban policy in Hamburg. Is Hamburg an example for 'progressive' strategies towards a more just 'city for all', as scholars have recently argued? To answer this question, I first discuss the current urban policy in comparison to other cities in Germany. I then adopt a genealogical perspective on the specific rationalities which shape the current 'new social urban policy'. Against this backdrop, I re-interpret the current re-regulations. One central finding is, that they are less 'progressive' or 'post-neoliberal', but manifestations of an 'urbanism of inequality'. The 'city for all' shall be realized through strategies of 'embourgeoisment' which foster inequality rather than reducing it.

In Deutschland werden gegenwärtig verschiedene stadtpolitische Re-Regulierungen beobachtet: neue Wohnungsbauprogramme, Instrumente zur Mietpreisbegrenzung oder Ansätze zur Restriktion von Investitionen in Gentrifizierungsgebieten. Nun wird diskutiert, ob solche 'sozialen' Re-Regulierungen einen Bruch mit urbaner Neoliberalisierung anzeigen. Der Aufsatz geht dieser Frage am Beispiel Hamburgs nach. Hier haben Forscher_innen kontroverse Positionen vertreten, ob 'progressive' Strategien hin zu einer 'Stadt für alle' zu beobachten sind. Der Aufsatz stellt zunächst die stadtpolitischen Re-Regulierungen vor und rekonstruiert anschließend die darin produktiven normativ-strategischen Rationalitäten politisch-administrativer Akteur_innen. Die zusammenführende Analyse zeigt, dass sich in Hamburg sozial-integrierte und unternehmerische Strategien zu einem 'Urbanismus der Ungleichheit' verdichten. Die 'Stadt für alle' soll durch Strategien der Verbürgerlichung realisiert werden, die Ungleichheiten verstärken. ; In Germany, the housing question is back on the agenda. Various political reregulations could be observed, aiming at 'affordable housing for all'. Now, researchers discuss whether these 'social' re-regulations indicate an end of urban neoliberalization. I contribute to this debate by analyzing urban policy in Hamburg. Is Hamburg an example for 'progressive' strategies towards a more just 'city for all', as scholars have recently argued? To answer this question, I first discuss the current urban policy in comparison to other cities in Germany. I then adopt a genealogical perspective on the specific rationalities which shape the current 'new social urban policy'. Against this backdrop, I re-interpret the current re-regulations. One central finding is, that they are less 'progressive' or 'post-neoliberal', but manifestations of an 'urbanism of inequality'. The 'city for all' shall be realized through strategies of 'embourgeoisment' which foster inequality rather than reducing it.

In Hamburg trafen sich am 7. und 8. Juli 2017 die G20. Die Tage waren von vielfältigen und massenhaften Protesten geprägt, die in Teilen heftig eskalierten. Im Artikel werden fünf Aspekte herausgearbeitet, die an sich nicht grundlegend neu sind, in der Summe aber für eine Zuspitzung politischer Auseinandersetzungen in Deutschland stehen und die G20-Tage zu einem wichtigen Ereignis machen: (1) eine deutliche Polarisierung politischer Positionen, (2) die Ausweitung antagonistischer Praxen, (3) die Suspendierung von Grundrechten, (4) mediale Eskalation und (5) die Militarisierung politischer Konflikte. Geleitet wird die Diskussion einerseits von Jacques Rancière und dessen Überlegungen zu Politik und Unvernehmen sowie von den Arbeiten zum Ausnahmezustand von Giorgio Agamben. Andererseits baut der Text auf eine qualitative Auswertung der medialen Berichterstattung um die G20 Proteste sowie auf Protestaufrufe und -bewertungen. Vor diesem theoretischen Hintergrund argumentiere ich, dass die fünf Aspekte in der Summe als Indikator für das Ende der Postdemokratie zu lesen sind. ; The G20 summit took place in Hamburg on July 7th and 8th 2017. During this period, diverse mass protests were organized throughout the city, partly escalating to violence. In this article I develop five aspects, which as such are not new but in sum stand for an intensification of political conflicts and mark the G20 days as an important event: (1) polarization of political positions, (2) extension of antagonistic practices, (3) suspension of fundamental rights, (4) production of fear through media strategies and (5) the militarization of political conflicts. In order to achieve that, the article on the one hand draws on Jacques Rancière's theoretical work on politics and disagreement, as well as Giorgio Agamben's theorizations on the "state of emergency". On the other hand, it is based on a qualitative evaluation of the media coverage, protest calls and evaluations of the outcome around the G20. Against this background, I argue that the events in Hamburg indicate an end of post-democracy.

In vielen Bundesländern wurden in den letzten Jahren tiefgreifende Schulstrukturreformen vollzogen. Bislang fehlt es allerdings an theoriegeleiteten Analysen, die die Determinanten dieser Reformen offenlegen und Länderunterschiede erklären. Dieser Beitrag zeigt, wie neoinstitutionalistische Konzepte für die Analyse der Persistenz von Bildungsinstitutionen ebenso wie für die Analyse ihres Wandels gewinnbringend eingesetzt werden können. Die Prozessanalysen zu Sachsen und Hamburg zeigen, dass schulstrukturelle Reformprozesse als pfadabhängig charakterisiert werden können. In beiden Ländern entstanden spezifische Möglichkeiten bzw. Zwänge für institutionellen Wandel durch ein partielles Schwinden der "Reproduktionsmechanismen" der jeweils tradierten Schulstruktur. (DIPF/Orig.) ; In recent years, far-reaching reforms of the school structure have been implemented in many of the German Laender. So far, however, there is a lack of theory-guided analyses, which could disclose the determinants of these reforms or explain the differences between the Laender. This contribution reveals how neo-institutional concepts can be used in the analysis of persistence and change of educational institutions. The process analyses carried out by the authors with regard to Saxony and Hamburg show that the reform of school structures can be characterized as path-dependent. In both Saxony and Hamburg, specific potentialities and constraints regarding institutional change developed due to the partial erosion of the "reproduction mechanisms" of the respective traditional school structure. (DIPF/Orig.)

Gibt es in Deutschland wirklich (bislang) keine riots? Und ist es hier im Vergleich zu Vororten oder Großstädten der nordwesteuropäischen Nachbarschaft oder der USA wirklich so ruhig? Entgegen dieser in der deutschsprachigen sozialwissenschaftlichen Debatte oft angeführten Feststellung fragen wir, welche Elemente jener Auseinandersetzungen, die international als riots gefasst werden, auch in Konflikten in deutschen Großstädten sichtbar werden. Am Beispiel eines Ereignisses in Altona-Altstadt/Hamburg im Sommer 2013 untersuchen wir insbesondere Auseinandersetzungen um verräumlichte, kontrollintensive Polizeistrategien und spezifische Ausprägungen von Rassismus in städtischen Alltagen. Denn bisher wurden solche Parallelen zu Konflikten etwa in Frankreich, Großbritannien oder den USA nicht explizit beleuchtet oder durch desintegrationstheoretische Perspektiven verdeckt. Ausgangspunkt der Untersuchung sind dabei die diskursiv-medialen Deutungskämpfe um die Altonaer Ereignisse. ; Are there really no riots in German cities (yet)? And compared to suburbs or inner cities in northwestern Europe and in the USA: is it really as peaceful in Germany as the debates in local social sciences suggest? Against these findings, in this contribution we ask which elements of those urban conflicts usually labeled as riots come into sight in German cities as well. Until now, such parallels to urban conflicts in France, Great Britain or the USA either haven't been explicitly taken into account or have been obscured by a focus on 'urban disintegration'. In our investigation, we take a close look at a conflict that occurred in Altona-Altstadt/Hamburg in the summer of 2013, and especially on space-based 'stop-and-search' policing practices and the specific manifestation of racism in urban everyday life. We especially take into account the discursive struggles over the interpretation of the occurrences.

This article analyzes rhetoric as a mean of ideology reproduction on the base of digital public rhetoric of Hamburg's government on smart city agenda. With the aim to grasp ideology behind the technological optimist rhetoric about smart city and research its effects and functions, an interpretative analysis of empty signifiers was conducted. Interpretations of Horkheimer and Adorno, 2izek and Lacan serve as background for the research, which are introduced to enrich an existing (mainly Foucauldian) set of smart city critique. Inspired by critical theory, this analysis shows that ideology is reproduced by culture industry and indicates tendencies to implement instrumental reason, to harmonize the existing social and economic contradictions and mainly reproduces economic interests. Since the researched rhetors are as politicians in power to materialize their ideological convictions, the mystification of technology plays a crucial role as disciplining and controlling measure, which aims to stabilize and justify status quo and maintain the existing inequalities. Derived rhetoric elements, which indicate categorization of citizenship and reductionism of environmental issues demonstrate the high societal relevance of the study and emphasize the urgent need for critique on progressing urban digitalization. ; Peer reviewed