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DergiPark: 326005 ; trakyasobed ; Even though it has been rather a lot studied that to what extent participation to politics is occurred with regard to general politics, the studies relating to levels and means of political participation at local level remains relatively weak. This paper aspires to reveal the aspects of participation of voters to local politics in Edirne. In parallel with this goal, firstly, certain qualitative and quantitative characteristics of voters are specified, such as age, gender, level of income, level of education. Then, the relation between these characteristics and political participation at local level is tried to be proved by some hypothesis tests. The results suggested that the higher the level of education or the level of income, the more intensive the participation to local politics. It is also deduced that political participation of voters differs according to neighbourhood they settle in. The evaluation of political participation is based on A. Robert Dahl's typology of political participation picked out amongst others in the literature and questionnaire form tried to be generated in accordance with the typology ; Siyasete katılımın ne boyutta gerçekleştiği genel siyaset açısından oldukça araştırılmış olmasına rağmen, yerel düzeydeki siyasete katılımın düzey ve araçlarına ilişkin çalışmalar görece zayıf kalmaktadır. Bu çalışma, Edirne'deki seçmenlerin yerel siyasete katılım düzeyini ortaya koymayı amaçlamaktadır. Bu amaç doğrultusunda, seçmenin yaşı, cinsiyeti, gelir düzeyi, eğitim düzeyi ve benzeri nitel ve nicel özellikleri belirtilmiş; ardından, bu özellikler ile yerel siyasete katılım arasındaki ilişki hipotez testleriyle sınanmaya çalışılmıştır. Yapılan testler sonucunda Edirne'de eğitim düzeyi veya gelir düzeyi arttıkça yerel siyasete katılımın yoğunlaştığı ve seçmenlerin siyasete katılımlarının, yerleşik oldukları mahalleye göre farklılık gösterdiği belirlenmiştir. Siyasete katılımın ölçülmesinde, literatürdeki katılım tanımlamalarından A. Robert Dahl'ın tipolojisi esas alınmış olup, anket soruları bu tipolojiye uygun olarak oluşturulmaya çalışılmıştır

ÖZETYERELLEŞME, YEREL İKTİDAR VE YEREL DEMOKRASİBu çalışma, "yerelleşme" ve "yerel iktidar" kavramlarını Türkiye'de yerel yönetim sistemi ile yerel/kentsel siyasetin işleyişi açısından tartışmayı amaçlamaktadır. Türkiye'de merkeziyetçi yönetim geleneği içerisinde oluşturulan yerel yönetimlere ilişkin temel yasalar 2004 yılında başlayan "yerel yönetim reformu" kapsamında değiştirilmiş, belediyeler ve il özel idarelerinin yetki alanları genişletilmiştir. Yerel/kentsel siyasal iktidar, yerel ve yerel-üstü bileşenleri bulunan toplumsal ağlar kapsamında oluşan yönetme ve hareket etme kapasitesi olarak tanımlanmıştır. Tezin ana sorunsalı, yeni yasalar ile yerel yönetimlere aktarılan sorumluluk alanlarında yerel ve yerel-üstü aktörlerin sahip olduğu etki alanlarının sınırları ile "kentsel yönetişim" kavramı çerçevesinde "toplumsal ağ ilişkileri"nin yerel iktidar alanı içerisinde nasıl örgütlendiğidir. Bu doğrultuda Edirne'de derinlemesine görüşme tekniğinin uygulandığı niteliksel bir alan araştırması gerçekleştirilmiştir. Edirne yerel siyaset alanında etkili olan yerel ve yerel-üstü aktörler belirlenmiştir. Araştırma, seçilen üç siyasa alanı üzerine yoğunlaşmaktadır: planlama, ulaşım ve AB projeleri. Yerel yönetimlere aktarılan yeni yetki alanlarında merkezi yönetim ile yerel-üstü aktörlerin hala etkili olduğu ve ulusal iktidara muhalefet partisinin hakim olduğu yerel temsil yapısının merkez-yerel gerilimini artırdığı görülmüştür. Sonuç olarak, Edirne kentsel siyaset alanında sınırlı sayıda aktör yönetme kapasitesine sahiptir. Yeni yasalar yerel karar-alma süreçlerinin işleyişinde "yerelleşme"yi sağlamamaktadır. Anahtar Kelimeler: Yerelleşme, Yerel iktidar, Yerinden Yönetim, Yerel Özerklik, Yerel yönetim sistemleri, Yerel siyaset, Kentsel siyaset.ABSTRACTDECENTRALIZATION, LOCAL POLITICAL POWER AND LOCAL DEMOCRACYThis study aims to discuss the concepts of "localization" and "local power" with regards to local government system and local/urban politics in Turkey. Turkish local governments are formed within the centralized administration tradition. The main legal framework regulating local governments is modified within the "local government reform" started in 2004. Municipalities' and special provincial administrations' authority domains are extended by these legal regulations. Local/urban political power is defined as the capacity of management and mobility that is formed within social networks composing of local and supralocal factors. The main problematic of the thesis is the limits of local and supralocal actors within the new authority domains of local governments and how "social network relations" are organized in the framework of "urban governance". Accordingly this problematic, a qualitative field research is conducted in Edirne consisting in in-depth interviews. Local and supralocal actors possessing effective power in the local political field are determined. The research focuses on three selected policy domains: planning, transport, and EU projects. It is observed, central government and supralocal actors still possess power in the new authority domains of local governments, and the tension between the center and the local is intensified due to the local representation structure that is dominated by the political party opposing to the central government. In conclusion, a limited number of actors hold the capacity of management in Edirne's urban political field. The new legal regulations don't ensure "localization" of local decision-making processes. Keywords: Localization, Local power, Decentralization, Local Autonomy, Local government systems, Local politics, Urban politics.

URL: http://josc.selcuk.edu.tr/article/view/5000185985 DOI:10.18094/si.29073 ; Ülkemizde yoksulluğun nedenleri ve sonuçları kadar yoksulların siyasal tercihleri de önemli bir tartışma konusudur. Özellikle seçim dönemlerinde yoksulların, aldıkları sosyal yardımlar çerçevesinde bir siyasal tercihte bulunduğu yönünde siyaset ve medya dünyasında yaygın bir şekilde tartışmalar yaşanmaktadır. Her bir birey gibi yoksullar da genel/ yerel seçimlerde bir takım beklentiler ve faktörler çerçevesinde siyasal tercih ortaya koymaktadırlar. Bu anlamda yoksullar, siyasal tercihlerine karar verirken hiç şüphesiz diğer faktörlerle birlikte yaşadıkları sorunlara çözüm getiren, yaşamlarını kolaylaştıracak ekonomik ve sosyal niteliği olan projeleri de dikkate almaktadırlar. Bu çalışma, sosyal yardımların yoksulların siyasal tercihinde etkisinin olup olmadığı, eğer etkisi var ise bu etkininin düzeyinin ne olduğu üzerinde durmaktadır. Elazığ merkezde yaşayan 220 yoksul üzerinde yapılan alan araştırması ile çalışmanın verileri elde edilmiştir. Bu verilere göre, yoksulların yardım aldığı kurum ve kuruluşlar arasında siyasi partiler sosyal yardımlaşma vakfı ve belediyelerin ardından üçüncü sırada yer almaktadır. Siyasi partilerden yardım alan yoksullar, bu siyasi partilere yönelik bir siyasal tercih eğiliminde olmakla birlikte; yoksulların siyasal tercihinde siyasal partilerin ekonomik vaatleri ile iş ve istihdama ilişkin vaatlerinin daha etkili olduğu sonucuna varılmıştır. ; In our country, political choices of the poor is a discussion topic as important as the reasons for and the results of poverty. Especially during the election periods, discussions arise in politics and on media on the idea that the poor make political choices based on the social aid they receive. Like every other individual, the poor also make political choices based on a set of expectations and factors in periods of general/local elections. In this sense, the poor, in addition to other factors, also pay regard to projects with economic and social nature that bring solutions to their problems and will make their lives easier. The purpose of this study is to understand whether social aid has effects on political choices of the poor, and if it does, to what extent these effects work. Findings of the study were gathered by field research conducted on 220 impoverished individuals living in Elazığ city center. According to the data, political parties are in the third place after social assistance foundations and municipalities among the institutions and organizations from which the poor receive the highest amount of social aid. While the poor who receive aid from political parties are likely to make a political choice in favor of these parties, it has been observed that economic pledges and pledges towards jobs and employment by political parties are more effective on the poor's political choices.

When British travelers visited Kurdish regions in the first half of the twentieth century they recorded their memories and opinions on Kurdish society, especially the position of women. This article analyses the text the British travelers produced to understand whether they were written from an orientalist perspective. The freedom of Kurdish women impressed the British travellers and officers, and in particular they differentiated between Kurdish women and other Muslim societies. They admired the high status of Kurdish women in society regardless of class, in both rural and urban communities. That freedom was reflected in their clothing, lack of face coverings and confident treatment of foreigners. Women participated in politics, became leaders of their communities, and educated themselves, leading British travelers to make comparisons between Kurdish and European women. This article challenges the idea that British travelers considered Kurdish women solely from an orientalist perspective. While orientalism determined many of their views on Kurdish society, British views of Kurdish women were informed by comparison with Europeans.

Necmettin Erbakan, supported in Turkey by those who considered themselves as more conservative and religious, had the opportunity to serve the people of Turkey in the capacity of Deputy Prime Minister before 1980. Erbakan's new discourse had won him the favor of the public; however, in the wake of the 1980 military coup, his party was closed down and he, along with most of his close colleagues, was banned from politics. After his party, which was a party with a cause rather than an ordinary one, was closed down, he tried to keep his sympathizers united and active by developing various arguments in order to preserve his electorate in the newly developing conditions. In conjunction with the transition from martial law to democracy, the National Vision Movement continued its course in the political arena with the Welfare Party. Necmettin Erbakan cultivated a new discourse in politics with the motto of "Fair Order" by successfully analyzing the economic developments in the world after 1980. His promise to make Turkey a strong and prominent country, his ideals of Islamic unity, his discourse of nationalism, anti-imperialism and anti-Zionism were accepted by the public. Additionally, his more comprehensive and Pan-Islamist stance compared to the religious jamaats and sects, and the fact that he undertook to be the voice of the people who suffered in the slums following rural-to-urban migration, strengthened the movement. The Motherland Party, founded by Turgut Ozal, who had been the National Salvation Party's Izmir candidate for the parliament before 1980, faced some difficulties while coming into power after 1980, following the military administration. Erbakan surpassed those difficulties, acquired a position in the government as the prime minister of the coalition in 1996 and served the nation. This study explores the establishment and structuring of the Welfare Party, a continuation of the National Vision Movement, in Giresun, as well as the process of its coming to power and later being removed from it. The first elections the Welfare Party took part in were the local elections of 1984, and although the votes it received were below the country average that year, the party increased its vote rates in all subsequent elections and received more votes than the Turkey average in Giresun. The reasons behind this success are that women, who had not been active in politics before 1980, began to participate more, the media was used more effectively, and Giresun was not affected by the conflict between religious sects and politics. This study will examine the efforts of the National Youth Foundation, established as the youth organization of the movement, and other non-governmental organizations during and after the February 28, 1997 post-modern coup process in the context of Giresun.