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The Paris Agreement aims to limit global mean temperature rise this century to well below 2 °C above pre-industrial levels. This target has wide-ranging implications for Europe and its cities, which are the source of substantial greenhouse gas emissions. This paper reports the state of local planning for climate change by collecting and analysing information about local climate mitigation and adaptation plans across 885 urban areas of the EU-28. A typology and framework for analysis was developed that classifies local climate plans in terms of their alignment with spatial (local, national and international) and other climate related policies. Out of eight types of local climate plans identified in total we document three types of stand-alone local climate plans classified as type A1 (autonomously produced plans), A2 (plans produced to comply with national regulations) or A3 (plans developed for international climate networks). There is wide variation among countries in the prevalence of local climate plans, with generally more plans developed by central and northern European cities. Approximately 66% of EU cities have a type A1, A2, or A3 mitigation plan, 26% an adaptation plan, and 17% a joint adaptation and mitigation plan, while about 33% lack any form of stand-alone local climate plan (i.e. what we classify as A1, A2, A3 plans). Mitigation plans are more numerous than adaptation plans, but planning for mitigation does not always precede planning for adaptation. Our analysis reveals that city size, national legislation, and international networks can influence the development of local climate plans. We found that size does matter as about 80% of the cities with above 500,000 inhabitants have a comprehensive and stand-alone mitigation and/or an adaptation plan (A1). Cities in four countries with national climate legislation (A2), i.e. Denmark, France, Slovakia and the United Kingdom, are nearly twice as likely to produce local mitigation plans, and five times more likely to produce local adaptation plans, compared to cities in countries without such legislation. A1 and A2 mitigation plans are particularly numerous in Denmark, Poland, Germany, and Finland; while A1 and A2 adaptation plans are prevalent in Denmark, Finland, UK and France. The integration of adaptation and mitigation is country-specific and can mainly be observed in two countries where local climate plans are compulsory, i.e. France and the UK. Finally, local climate plans produced for international climate networks (A3) are mostly found in the many countries where autonomous (type A1) plans are less common. This is the most comprehensive analysis of local climate planning to date. The findings are of international importance as they will inform and support decision-making towards climate planning and policy development at national, EU and global level being based on the most comprehensive and up-to-date knowledge of local climate planning available to date. ; EU COST Action TU0902 that made the initial work possible and the positive engagement and interaction of the members of this group which led to this work. MO acknowledges funding from the Spanish Government (Grant no. FPDI-2013-16631). EKL was supported by the Ministry of Education, Youth and Sports of CR within the National Sustainability Program I (NPU I), grant number LO1415. OH and RD were funded by the EC project RAMSES Reconciling Adaptation, Mitigation and Sustainable Development for Cities (contract Ref 308497) and the EPSRC project LC Transforms: Low Carbon Transitions of Fleet Operations in Metropolitan Sites Project (EP/N010612/1).

The Paris Agreement aims to limit global mean temperature rise this century to well below 2 °C above pre-industrial levels. This target has wide-ranging implications for Europe and its cities, which are the source of substantial greenhouse gas emissions. This paper reports the state of local planning for climate change by collecting and analysing information about local climate mitigation and adaptation plans across 885 urban areas of the EU-28. A typology and framework for analysis was developed that classifies local climate plans in terms of their alignment with spatial (local, national and international) and other climate related policies. Out of eight types of local climate plans identified in total we document three types of stand-alone local climate plans classified as type A1 (autonomously produced plans), A2 (plans produced to comply with national regulations) or A3 (plans developed for international climate networks). There is wide variation among countries in the prevalence of local climate plans, with generally more plans developed by central and northern European cities. Approximately 66% of EU cities have a type A1, A2, or A3 mitigation plan, 26% an adaptation plan, and 17% a joint adaptation and mitigation plan, while about 33% lack any form of stand-alone local climate plan (i.e. what we classify as A1, A2, A3 plans). Mitigation plans are more numerous than adaptation plans, but planning for mitigation does not always precede planning for adaptation. Our analysis reveals that city size, national legislation, and international networks can influence the development of local climate plans. We found that size does matter as about 80% of the cities with above 500,000 inhabitants have a comprehensive and stand-alone mitigation and/or an adaptation plan (A1). Cities in four countries with national climate legislation (A2), i.e. Denmark, France, Slovakia and the United Kingdom, are nearly twice as likely to produce local mitigation plans, and five times more likely to produce local adaptation plans, compared to cities in countries without such legislation. A1 and A2 mitigation plans are particularly numerous in Denmark, Poland, Germany, and Finland; while A1 and A2 adaptation plans are prevalent in Denmark, Finland, UK and France. The integration of adaptation and mitigation is country-specific and can mainly be observed in two countries where local climate plans are compulsory, i.e. France and the UK. Finally, local climate plans produced for international climate networks (A3) are mostly found in the many countries where autonomous (type A1) plans are less common. This is the most comprehensive analysis of local climate planning to date. The findings are of international importance as they will inform and support decision-making towards climate planning and policy development at national, EU and global level being based on the most comprehensive and up-to-date knowledge of local climate planning available to date.

The Paris Agreement aims to limit global mean temperature rise this century to well below 2 degrees C above pre-industrial levels. This target has wide-ranging implications for Europe and its cities, which are the source of substantial greenhouse gas emissions. This paper reports the state of local planning for climate change by collecting and analysing information about local climate mitigation and adaptation plans across 885 urban areas of the EU-28. A typology and framework for analysis was developed that classifies local climate plans in terms of their alignment with spatial (local, national and international) and other climate related policies. Out of eight types of local climate plans identified in total we document three types of stand-alone local climate plans classified as type Al (autonomously produced plans), A2 (plans produced to comply with national regulations) or A3 (plans developed for international climate networks). There is wide variation among countries in the prevalence of local climate plans, with generally more plans developed by central and northern European cities. Approximately 66% of EU cities have a type Al, A2, or A3 mitigation plan, 26% an adaptation plan, and 17% a joint adaptation and mitigation plan, while about 33% lack any form of stand-alone local climate plan (i.e. what we classify as Al, A2, A3 plans). Mitigation plans are more numerous than adaptation plans, but planning for mitigation does not always precede planning for adaptation. Our analysis reveals that city size, national legislation, and international networks can influence the development of local climate plans. We found that size does matter as about 80% of the cities with above 500,000 inhabitants have a comprehensive and stand-alone mitigation and/or an adaptation plan (Al). Cities in four countries with national climate legislation (A2), i.e. Denmark, France, Slovakia and the United Kingdom, are nearly twice as likely to produce local mitigation plans, and five times more likely to produce local adaptation plans, compared to cities in countries without such legislation. Al and A2 mitigation plans are particularly numerous in Denmark, Poland, Germany, and Finland: while Al and A2 adaptation plans are prevalent in Denmark, Finland, UK and France. The integration of adaptation and mitigation is country-specific and can mainly be observed in two countries where local climate plans are compulsory, i.e. France and the UK. Finally, local climate plans produced for international climate networks (A3) are mostly found in the many countries where autonomous (type Al) plans are less common. This is the most comprehensive analysis of local climate planning to date. The findings are of international importance as they will inform and support decision making towards climate planning and policy development at national, EU and global level being based on the most comprehensive and up-to-date knowledge of local climate planning available to date.

Shrinking Cities or Urban Transformation is a PhD-thesis conducted at the Department of Architecture and Design, Aalborg University in the period 2004-2008. The PhD concerns the spatial changes that emerge in contemporary urbanity. Contemporary urbanity can among others be characterized as both growing and declining. On the one hand, a concentration of the urban into a highly urbanized nodal point is happening and on the other a deconcentration of the urban fabric in declining territories is taking place. The starting point for the dissertation is the term shrinking cities, which has been introduced to describe the declining territories. This term is investigated resulting in a questioning of the term. This questioning of the term brings about a further theoretical investigation of growth and decline and the underlying trends. Following the theoretical investigations an empirical investigation of the cases Baltimore and Denmark is conducted. This shall shed light upon whether the theoretical assumptions correspond to what is happening in the real world. The introduction of the term urban transformation is the result of these investigations and a response to shrinking cities. Urban transformation is a holistic and relational conception embracing both growth and decline. Thus, the urban landscape can be described as a conglomerate containing built-up and open spaces as well as urban growth and urban decline. Following the theoretical and empirical analysis the thesis enters into a focus of how to handle negative urban development. This concerns the investigation of design interventions conducted in the two cases Denmark and Baltimore. These investigations are then transformed into a guiding model for how to handle shrinking cities. This frame consists of five overall themes: multifunctional landscapes, soft tools, pragmatic solutions, strategic solutions and, arhcitecture and design and approaching the field of negative urban development by encompassing the following issues: working overall strategically and locally with the place-based potentials; to combine the local space pioneers with overall policies, to combine political will with the use of place-based potentials, to work in between phasing out and development, to create distinction and add new energy.

Slums, informal settlements, and dilapidated inner-city tenements are problems that many cities in Asia and the Pacific struggle with while their economies try to modernize and develop. Their existence puts at risk not only these economies but also poor people occupying vulnerable areas that climate change and natural disasters will only make worse. Slums are being addressed in countries in Asia and the Pacific but not yet at the rate required to create livable cities. ADB's Strategy 2020 aims for "livable cities" and will address the range of problems resulting from rapid urbanization and the limited capacity of basic service delivery associated with present and future urban growth. To accomplish the vision of livable cities, livelihood opportunities and shelter options of incremental land and housing development are important. ADB's developing member countries will look for viable lending opportunities to finance inclusive cities.

Slums, informal settlements, and dilapidated inner-city tenements are problems that many cities in Asia and the Pacific struggle with while their economies try to modernize and develop. Their existence puts at risk not only these economies but also poor people occupying vulnerable areas that climate change and natural disasters will only make worse. Slums are being addressed in countries in Asia and the Pacific but not yet at the rate required to create livable cities. ADB's Strategy 2020 aims for "livable cities" and will address the range of problems resulting from rapid urbanization and the limited capacity of basic service delivery associated with present and future urban growth. To accomplish the vision of livable cities, livelihood opportunities and shelter options of incremental land and housing development are important. ADB's developing member countries will look for viable lending opportunities to finance inclusive cities.

Not Available ; This paper is an extensive comment on five Nordic EIA studies from the perspective of planning theory. It is shown how issues raised and problems encountered in several of these studies relate to current debates in the international planning literature. The themes receiving most attention are the different functions of the EIA process as deliberative democracy and technocratic prediction of effects, EIA as managing uncertainty and locational conflict, EIA as a vehicle for public involvement, communicative distortions in impact assessment, the use and misuse of EIA results, and the relationship between EIA problems and organisational design. ; Not Available

Asia's cities have been the drivers of the economy and have lifted millions out of poverty. However, the environmental consequences of this rapid development are apparent, and the citizens of Asia's urban areas are increasingly insistent that something should be done. And there is an investment deficit in Asian cities' infrastructure spending, mostly in environmental infrastructure, of some $100 billion per annum. Asian cities can be more environmentally friendly. The resources are there to achieve this. Up to 80% of gross domestic product today comes from urban areas in Asia, and its megacities are nation-sized in population and economic product. New cities, such as the innovative "eco-towns" in Japan and "eco-cities" in the People's Republic of China (PRC), have begun to put into action a sustainable urban development model.

Asia's cities have been the drivers of the economy and have lifted millions out of poverty. However, the environmental consequences of this rapid development are apparent, and the citizens of Asia's urban areas are increasingly insistent that something should be done. And there is an investment deficit in Asian cities' infrastructure spending, mostly in environmental infrastructure, of some $100 billion per annum. Asian cities can be more environmentally friendly. The resources are there to achieve this. Up to 80% of gross domestic product today comes from urban areas in Asia, and its megacities are nation-sized in population and economic product. New cities, such as the innovative "eco-towns" in Japan and "eco-cities" in the People's Republic of China (PRC), have begun to put into action a sustainable urban development model.

In this booklet, read about SMU's research and initiatives related to smart cities and urban management, and how we strive to make meaningful impact on business, government and society for Singapore and beyond. Contents: Liveability and quality of life Community participation through mobile crowdsourcing Smarter, healthier eating with Food AI Data-driven community eldercare platform for sustainable ageing-in-place A date with AI Smart mobility accessibility for barrier-free access Food security Optimisation and resource management Collaborative urban delivery optimisation Seat occupancy detection through capacitance sensing Large-scale crowd simulation based on real-world data Gaining insights through Wi-Fi technology Taxi driver guidance system Efficiency of surge pricing in allocation of ride-hailing resources Mobile safety and security Fortifying mobile platforms with a user-centric trust anchor Analysing, detecting and containing mobile malware System for scalable access control of encrypted data in untrusted servers Secure and usable authentication systems in mobile computing Planning, policy, education and governance Smart retail geospatial planning People-centric approach to urban planning Housing policy innovations for affordable housing Centre for AI & data governance Education for smart city management and technology

This entry has been realised in the framework of the H2020-MSCA-RISE-2018 project "LoGov - Local Government and the Changing Urban-Rural Interplay". LoGov aims to provide solutions for local governments that address the fundamental challenges resulting from urbanisation. To address this complex issue, 18 partners from 17 countries and six continents share their expertise and knowledge in the realms of public law, political science, and public administration. LoGov identifies, evaluates, compares, and shares innovative practices that cope with the impact of changing urban-rural relations in five major local government areas: (1) local responsibilities and public services, (2) local financial arrangements, (3) structure of local government, (4) intergovernmental relations of local governments, and (5) people's participation in local decision-making. The present entry addresses intergovernmental relations of local governments in Ethiopia. The entry forms part of the LoGov Report on Ethiopia. To access the full version of the report on Ethiopia, other practices regarding intergovernmental relations of local governments and to receive more information about the project, please visit: https://www.logov-rise.eu/. This project has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under the Marie Skłodowska-Curie grant agreement No 823961.

Produced with the support of EUROCITIES as part of the CREATE (Congestion Reduction in Europe, Advancing Transport Efficiency) project, WP4 "Qualitative analysis of historical transport policy developments across 5 EU capital-cities". ; International audience ; Why have some cities in Europe been able to achieve a shift from the car-oriented city towards more sustainable modes of transport? How can other parts of Europe and the EuroMed draw lessons from CREATE?In order to answer these fundamental questions, the CREATE (Congestion Reduction in Europe, Advancing Transport Efficiency) project's main objective is to reduce road congestion in European cities by encouraging a switch from cars to more sustainable modes of transport. Among other valuable lessons, the CREATE project shows how strong urban governance contributes to the shift towards the liveable city.

Produced with the support of EUROCITIES as part of the CREATE (Congestion Reduction in Europe, Advancing Transport Efficiency) project, WP4 "Qualitative analysis of historical transport policy developments across 5 EU capital-cities". ; International audience ; Why have some cities in Europe been able to achieve a shift from the car-oriented city towards more sustainable modes of transport? How can other parts of Europe and the EuroMed draw lessons from CREATE?In order to answer these fundamental questions, the CREATE (Congestion Reduction in Europe, Advancing Transport Efficiency) project's main objective is to reduce road congestion in European cities by encouraging a switch from cars to more sustainable modes of transport. Among other valuable lessons, the CREATE project shows how strong urban governance contributes to the shift towards the liveable city.

Three paradigms used in China to deal with urban water issues are compared. The analysis focuses on their definition and objectives, the role of different stakeholders, the issues they deal with and the possible solutions suggested. The use of these paradigms in Chinese cities is compared on different dimensions to conclude when and where they can be used for which purpose. The paradigms differ substantially in their scope (from the narrow focus of the sponge city paradigm to the broad goals of eco-city paradigms) and in terms of the governance mechanisms used to coordinate between different actors. The resilient and sponge paradigms mainly use government structures to achieve their objectives, while the idea is to also involve the private sector (certainly in case of the sponge city paradigm). This has not happened most of the times because project money had to be spent in time. In the eco-cities approach the citizens want to be involved through newly created governance structures. In resilient cities potential victims may be involved. Resilient and eco-city initiatives emphasize the involvement of stakeholders, while in the sponge cities approach the initiative is often taken by local government. Finally, in terms of expected solutions, the paradigms want to avoid disaster, create an eco-city or improve water management. Only in the case of eco-cities there is more space for different water management practices and using alternative technologies. Water-related technologies are available, generating energy from wastewater or underground water and diminishing the dependence on fossil fuels.

Previous studies within auditing have indicated that actors located in the center of the organizational field are more likely to have the resources needed in order to instigate change. Although it is acknowledged that actors located in the periphery might have incentives to change the organizational field, they are often viewed as unlikely change agents, as they are presumed to lack enough leverage. Furthermore, a view in institutional theory is that change from within an organizational field is regarded to develop incrementally, through a step-by-step process. This monograph overthrows the above assumptions by showing how change within auditing can originate from peripheral actors and succeed through an intertangled process involving multiple players. The empirical material consists of 45 interviews and extensive documents, gathered during 2014 – 2020. By using a qualitative method, the studied process illustrates how standard setting within auditing have changed from a notion of one size fits all, according to 'an audit is an audit', to a possibility to use more than one audit standard issued by the International Auditing and Assurance Board, (IAASB). By using institutional theory as theoretical framework the process is analyzed through the concepts of institutional change and institutional entrepreneurship. As the studied process includes both peripheral and central actors, that act because of different agendas, but ultimately work together to advocate an idea of change in the organizational field, a new perspective on institutional entrepreneurship is formed. In contrast to previous literature and the perception that institutional change through institutional entrepreneurship is about one actor or one organization, that succeeds to change the organizational field, the dissertation show how change is made possible because of the engagement of several actors. These actors are responding to the same precipitating jolts that enables institutional entrepreneurship, but for different reasons. The different actors also theorizes the need for change with connection to the same underlying argument, i.e. that the way an audit of less complex entities (LCE) is performed is in need of improvement – an argument that was not highly valued in the beginning of the change process. The studied change therefore concerns a shift in institutional meaning that makes room for a diversification of audit standards and the possibility of a separate standard for the audit of LCE, with the aim to facilitate auditing in this segment. Hence, the analysis also deconstructs the meaning of the mantra 'an audit is an audit' and shows how the meaning has shifted from the institutional meaning of 'an audit is an audit – according to ISA' to 'an audit is an audit – according reasonable assurance'.