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Water quality is a requirement of global markets, went to a trade pattern required by the development of quality criteria that value the man as a consumer par excellence, is one of the most sensitive issues in the provision of services sanitation. Poor water quality can have devastating effects on the population, which is why it is necessary to offer quality drinking water service to prevent any problems. Similarly, the professionals responsible for this task should be aware of existing legislation on water quality and its implementation, as well as techniques and procedures of treatment and control of water quality is subject to continuous improvement, which should be properly disseminated among the professionals responsible for this task. The commitment to improve the knowledge base on all aspects involving maintaining adequate levels of coverage and quality of drinking water service provided by the company EMAPA SAN MARTIN SA For that reason, the object of our research is aimed at studying "INFLUENCE OF THE COVERAGE AND QUALITY OF DRINKING WATER SERVICE COMPANY THAT OFFERS EMAPA SAN MARTIN SA The Company Municipal Potable Water Supply and Sewerage of San Martín, is a private law firm, subject to the laws of public internal control. Its administrative, technical and economic is subject to public control laws and the rules of sanitation. His goal is to provide water service to optimal levels of efficiency and safety to each and every one of the residents who live in their jurisdiction. This framed by the law of state enterprises, its regulations approved by DS N ° 23 853 Organic Law of Municipalities, General Corporation Law, Act No. 26 338 Sanitation Act and the regulations adopted to by DS No. 09-95-PRE, by the provisions of the Statute of the Company, as amended on December 28, 1999. EMAPA SAN MARTIN SA has a coverage of potable water household connections active to December 2009, according to the document management indicators 31.304 house connections and sewerage coverage of 26 531 for an estimated urban population of 169.339 inhabitants. Potable water production to that date was 1,091,388.00 m3 and Continuity of service 11.31 hours / day. There are several principles to be followed to carry out customer service, they can provide the vision that has about the most important aspect of the service, the customer. Make quality a habit and a framework, set specifications for the products and services in agreement with all staff and with customers and suppliers, anticipate and consistently meet customer needs, give freedom of action at all employees who have dealings with customers, ie authority to address their complaints, customers always expect the fulfillment of his word. Promise less, do more, to show respect for people and be attentive to them, explicitly acknowledge any effort of implementing a quality culture. Paying your employees as if they were his partners (incentives). Do as the Japanese. In other words, investigate who are the best and how they do things, to usurp their systems, then improve them. Quality service must meet the following characteristics: fulfill your goals. Serve for what it was designed, addressing the needs, provide results. The objective is to determine the level of influence of the coverage and quality of drinking water service provided by the company EMAPA SAN MARTIN SA to: • Know the procedure that follows the company for potable water coverage provided EMAPA SAN MARTIN SA • Develop strategies to quality and service coverage of drinking water provided by the company EMAPA SAN MARTIN SA to meet user requirements. • Suggest measures to reduce water loss in EMAPA SAN MARTIN SA It will use the following research methods: • Inductive Method. - This is the method of obtaining knowledge that leads from the particular to the general, the facts on the causes and the discovery of the laws. Such a method may be able to establish general laws from empirical facts. • Deductive Method. - Acquiring expertise of the company EMAPA through nationwide general situations. According to their application Application . It is concerned with collecting information from reality to enrich the scientific theoretical knowledge. We will obtain new knowledge about the quality of coverage and water service. According to the level of depth: Descriptive Research. As its name suggests describes situations and facts of how certain phenomena are manifested. It specifies the main characteristics of individuals or groups, phenomena that are tested. In this type of research is measured precisely as possible. It requires knowledge of the study area. Includes the account of the reality in terms of coverage of drinking water Company in the region of San Martín. The universe of the population is 34,000 users of the Municipal Water and Sewer and the sample was obtained according to the application of the formula of the cluster with the following results will be implemented structured survey to Tarapoto 200 120 Bellavista Lamas 20 Saposoa 20 and San José de Sisa 20 respectively. ; La calidad del agua es una exigencia de los mercados globales, pasó hacer una pauta comercial obligada junto a la evolución de los criterios de calidad que valorizan al hombre como consumidor por excelencia; es uno de los aspectos más sensibles en la prestación de los servicios de saneamiento. Una mala calidad del agua puede tener efectos devastadores sobre la población, razón por la cual es necesario ofertar con calidad el servicio de agua potable a fin de prevenir cualquier problema. Del mismo modo, los profesionales responsables de esta tarea deben conocer la normativa vigente sobre la calidad del agua y su aplicación, además los procedimientos y técnicas del tratamiento y control de la calidad de agua, esta sujeto a constantes mejoras, las cuales deben ser adecuadamente difundidas entre los profesionales responsables de esta tarea. Por esa razón, el objeto de nuestra investigación se orienta a estudiar "INFLUENCIA DE LA CALIDAD EN LA COBERTURA Y EL SERVICIO DE AGUA POTABLE QUE BRINDA LA EMPRESA EMAPA SAN MARTÍN S.A." La Empresa Municipal del Servicio de Agua Potable y alcantarillado de San Martín, es una empresa de derecho privado, sujeta a las leyes de control público interno. Su autonomía administrativa, técnica y económica esta sujeta a las leyes de control público y a las normas de saneamiento. Su objetivo es brindar un servicio de agua potable en niveles óptimos de eficiencia y salubridad a todos y cada uno de los pobladores que habitan en su jurisdicción. Esta enmarcada en la ley de la actividad empresarial del Estado, su reglamento aprobado por D.S. N° 23853 Ley Orgánica de Municipalidades, Ley general de Sociedades, Ley N° 26338 Ley General de Saneamiento y su reglamento aprobada a por D.S. N° 09-95-PRE, por las disposiciones del Estatuto de la Empresa, modificado el 28 de diciembre de 1999. EMAPA SAN MARTÍN S.A. tiene una cobertura de conexiones domiciliarias de agua potable activas a Diciembre del 2009, según el documento de indicadores de gestión de 31,304 conexiones domiciliarias y una cobertura de alcantarillado del 26.531 para una población urbana estimada de 169,339 habitantes. La producción de agua potable a esa fecha fue de 1.091.388,00 m3 y La continuidad de servicio de 11.31 hora/día. Existen diversos principios que se deben seguir para llevar a cabo el servicio al cliente, estos pueden facilitar la visión que se tiene acerca del aspecto más importante del servicio, el cliente. Hacer de la calidad un hábito y un marco de referencia, establecer las especificaciones de los productos y servicios de común acuerdo con todo el personal y con los clientes y proveedores, anticipar y satisfacer consistentemente las necesidades de los clientes, dar libertad de acción a todos los empleados que tengan trato con los clientes, es decir autoridad para atender sus quejas, Los clientes siempre esperan el cumplimiento de su palabra. Prometer menos, dar más, mostrar respeto por las personas y ser atentos con ellas, reconocer en forma explícita todo esfuerzo de implantación de una cultura de calidad. Remunerar a sus empleados como si fueran sus socios (incentivos). Hacer como los japoneses. Es decir, investigar quiénes son los mejores y cómo hacen las cosas, para apropiarse de sus sistemas, para después mejorarlos. Un servicio de calidad debe cumplir con las siguientes características: cumplir los objetivos. Servir para lo que se diseñó, solucionar las necesidades, proporcionar resultados. El objetivo es, determinar el nivel de influencia de la calidad en la cobertura y el servicio del agua potable que brinda la empresa EMAPA SAN MARTÍN S.A. para: •Conocer el procedimiento que sigue la empresa para la Cobertura de agua potable que brinda EMAPA SAN MARTÍN S.A. •Diseñar estrategias de calidad en la cobertura y el servicio del agua potable que brinda la empresa EMAPA SAN MARTÍN S.A para satisfacer exigencias de los usuarios. •Sugerir medidas para la reducción de perdida de agua potable en EMAPA SAN MARTÍN S.A. Se utilizará los siguientes métodos de investigación: •Método Inductivo.- Es el método de obtención de conocimientos que conduce de lo particular a lo general, de los hechos a las causas y al descubrimiento de las leyes. Este tipo de método puede llegar a establecer leyes generales a partir de hechos empíricos. •Método Deductivo.- Adquirir conocimientos particulares de la Empresa de EMAPA a través de situaciones generales a nivel nacional. De acuerdo a su aplicación Investigación Aplicada. Se preocupa de recoger información de la realidad Obtendremos conocimientos nuevos sobre la calidad en la cobertura y servicio de agua potable. De acuerdo al nivel de profundidad: Investigación Descriptiva. Como su nombre lo indica se describe situaciones y hechos de cómo se manifiestan determinados fenómenos. Se especifica las características más importantes de personas o grupos, fenómenos que sean sometidos a análisis. En este tipo de investigación se mide con mayor precisión posible. Requiere conocimientos del área de estudio. Comprende la narración de la realidad en cuanto a la cobertura de la empresa de agua potable de la Región de San Martín. El universo de la población es de 34.000 usuarios de la Empresa Municipal de Agua Potable y Alcantarillado y la muestra se obtuvo de acuerdo a la aplicación de la fórmula del conglomerado obteniendo los siguientes resultados que se aplicará la encuesta estructurada, para Tarapoto 200 Lamas 120 Bellavista 20, Saposoa 20 y San José de Sisa 20 respectivamente. ; Tesis

This report identifies and describes the most prominent exogenous factors affecting nature-based tourism (NBT). Megatrends and associated sub-trends were identified by means of a literature review and structured using the STEEP framework, including social, technological, economic, environmental and political drivers (Dwyer et al., 2009). Research papers published in English language journals were obtained by searching electronic databases of scientific and tourism journals (Google Scholar, Web of Science, Oria). A total of 151 research papers (including 109 peer reviewed journal articles) published between the years 1998-2017 were identified. The peer reviewed research papers were published in 55 different journals spanning a wide array of disciplines. Concluding remarks put the results in the context of Norwegian nature-based toursm. Social trends • Population growth. Will lead to an overall increase in participation in nature-based tourism. However, such unprecedented growths can also lead to an overuse of natural attractions negatively affecting natural resources. • Changes in household composition. Family households are getting smaller. Sole-parent and single-person households becoming more prevalent. More income and discretionary time to travel and participate in recreational activities. • Ageing population. Healthier, wealthier and more active older persons. Growingly interested in nature-based activities which accommodate their reduced physical abilities, i.e. less strenuous activities. • Health and well-being. More emphasis on mental health; de-stressing and self-medicating. People increasingly seek out nature-based activities as a form of natural therapy/treatment. • Urbanization. Urban congestion is threatening natural environments and leading to loss of landscape. People's need for green spaces is growing, thus, the demand for NBT is increasing as well. • Changing work patterns. A reduction in physically demanding employment and household work leads to increased demand for physical activity during leisure time. The growing middle class with more flexible working conditions and an increasing disposable time and income is allowing for more flexible travel plans and a desire to spend holidays in new and exotic natural destinations. • Gender. Modern societies are more feminized and women highly influence the choice of leisure activities. Women are prone to choosing NBT activities and products of high convenience, quality and beauty. While men value challenging NBT activities (e.g. hunting, fishing, adventure activities). • Increasing cultural diversity. Multicultural society is altering NBT visitor markets. Inflow of tourists with different cultural backgrounds, preferences and expectations, may lead to conflicts among them. New management interventions required in order to accommodate tourists' different needs and expectations, and prevent probable conflicts. • Values and lifestyles. Today's tourist is money rich/time poor, individualistic, seeking unique, personalized and authentic experiences. Tourists are increasingly interested in participating in NBT activities as it helps them understand themselves better, achieve a sense of transformation and identity. Moreover, there is an increasing environmental awareness among them. Technological trends • Transportation. New technology is reducing the cost and the increasing speed of travel. Increasing accessibility to various tourist destinations. Schemes to reduce carbon emissions are expected to negatively impact destinations far from markets. • High-tech equipment. Outdoor high-tech recreational equipment and clothing are providing recreationists with increased comfort, safety and access to nature destinations. Growth in participation in different types of NBT activities. • Information and communication technology (ICT). Advanced technology allows tourist destinations to add value for their visitors and minimize operating costs. Electronic word-of-mouth becomes an increasingly important factor for destination image and travel behavior. Social media allow for more transparency between customers and suppliers. More competition among tourist destinations and greater consumer power. Mobile technology and expanded mobile service covering remote areas will encourage tourists to visit and experience new, unknown nature areas. For NBT, Internet of Things is expected to help in managing visitors flow in outdoor areas, improve traffic management and enhance the monitoring of fragile ecosystems. Indoorization of outdoor activities and artificial recreations settings may signal a shift away from recreation in nature, but it is also argued that such services can stimulate participating in NBT. Economic Trends • Economic growth in developed economies. Economic growth, increasing income and disposable time in developed countries allow more people to spend more time and money on nature-based experiences. • Economic growth in emerging economies. Economic growth in emerging economies of the BRIC nations, especially China and India, will significantly contribute to the expansion of tourism. This is leading to an alteration in the cultural and ethnic mix of tourists arriving to the EU. These tourists bring different behaviour, expectations and demands, e.g. Chinese tourists are found to be more interested in passive enjoyment of natural scenery (i.e. sightseeing) rather than active involvement in NBT activities. • Sharing economy. Tourism services and businesses such as hotels, restaurants and tour operators are being challenged and gradually replaced by individuals who offer budget-friendly services such as accommodation, transportation, excursions and meals. • Fuel costs. Despite temporary reductions, oil prices are expected to increase again which will negatively impact travel propensity via increased cost for flight tickets and introduction of fuel charges. Greenhouse gas mitigation strategies are expected to restrict and hinder future travel. Environmental trends • Climate change. Have a direct impact on NBT. Winter tourism is negatively impacted in regions such as Northern Europe and North America as winter becomes warmer and wetter; lower-altitude ski resorts are expected to face economical problems due to decline in snow cover and decline in visitation levels. While, capacity pressures will be created in higher-altitude resorts. Dog sledding and snowmobiling are also expected to face negative effects due to reduced snow cover. Climate change is leading to receding glaciers, hence, diminishing not only their aesthetic value but also their economical value associated with NBT activities such as sightseeing, trekking and skiing. Climate change is also leading to coral bleaching, starfish outbreaks and environmental degradation which negatively impact dive and snorkel tourism. • Land use and landscape change. Urbanization, rural depopulation, exploitation of land for road construction and energy production have all led to different changes to landscapes and loss of their aesthetic values. Natural landscapes are a main driving force of NBT. Hence, all such changes were found to have a negative impact on NBT via for instance reducing the attractiveness of tourist landscapes and the quality of tourists' experiences. Conflicts between various stakeholders (e.g. tourism, forestry, energy production) is also documented in the literature. Protected areas are often significant attractions in the nature-based tourism system, and more recent environmental policies in Scandinavia have emphasized the need to integrate nature-based tourism with protection of nature so that the two can be of mutual benefit. Political trends • Political turbulence, war and terrorism. Political turbulence in regions such as the Middle East, Africa and parts of Asia are predicted to diminish tourism flows overall but is predicted to enhance the attractiveness of tourist destinations perceived as 'safe'. Tourist attractions that offer settings (e.g. outdoor recreation settings) where large numbers of visitors are gathered are more prone to terror attacks and may need more security measures to ensure safety. Loss of natural heritage due to war and civil unrest is documented in the literature; examples of damaged national parks and ruined NBT industries in countries with political turbulence and terror attacks are also documented. • Changes in border regulations. Changes in border regulations via the introduction and implementation of agreements such as the Schengen Agreement or China's Approved Destination Status 'ADS' have reduced border travel restrictions, creating huge tourism opportunities and traffic in several regions worldwide. China's ADS is expected to become the largest outbound market by 2020. • Health risks. The continuing rise in international travel is a driving force in global emergence and spread of infectious diseases (e.g. Zika or Ebola virus). Future spread of persistent life-threatening diseases may make international travel be perceived as a personal risk. Future travel may be strictly regulated to prevent the spread of any virulent diseases among tourist destinations. • Geopolitics. In today's globalised world, tourism is being used as an instrument to realize particular geopolitical goals. For example, sport events among Commonwealth member states as a unification tool. China's Approved Destination Status (ADS) as a projection of its soft power. Regional blocs such as North American and the European Union Free Trade Agreement also impact tourists' movement within these multilateral entities. The report is produced with funding from BIOTOUR – a four year research project with the objective to research and disseminate key conditions for future development of nature-based tourism in the Norwegian bio-economy that contribute to business innovation, community resilience and sustainable use of resources (www.nmbu.no/biotour). ; Denne rapporten identifiserer og beskriver de viktigste faktorene som påvirker det naturbaserte reiselivet. Megatrender og tilhørende sub-trender er blitt klarlagt gjennom en litteraturstudie og strukturert ved hjelp av et eget rammeverk, STEEP, som omfatter sosiale (Social), teknologiske (Technological), økonomiske (Economic), miljømessige (Environmental) og politiske (Political) drivkrefter (Dwyer et al., 2009). Litteraturgjennomgangen baserer seg på systematiske søk i elektroniske databaser for vitenskapelige, engelskspråklige journaler (Google Scholar, Web of Science, Oria). I alt 151 forskningsbidrag (hvorav 109 fagfellevurderte tidsskriftsartikler) publisert i årene 1998-2017 ble identifisert, og disse er blitt publisert i 55 ulike tidsskrifter innenfor et bredt spekter av fagdisipliner. I konklusjonsdelen av rapporten er hovedresultatene satt inn i en norsk naturbasert reiselivskontekst. Sosiale trender • Befolkningsvekst. Vil føre til en generell økning i deltakelsen i naturbasert reiseliv. Men en slik akselererende vekst kan også føre til stort forbruk av naturattraksjoner, som igjen kan påvirke naturressursgrunnlaget på en negativ måte. • Endringer i husholdningenes sammensetning. Familiehusholdningene blir mindre. Hushold bestående av én forelder eller aleneboende blir mer vanlig. Høyere inntekter og mer fleksibel tidsbruk øker mulighetene for å reise og delta i rekreasjonsaktiviteter. • Aldrende befolkning. Bedre helse og høyere velstand blant aktive eldre personer. Økende interesse for naturbaserte aktiviteter som er tilpasset reduserte fysiske forutsetninger, dvs. mindre krevende aktiviteter. • Helse og velvære. Mer vekt på mental helse; avstressing og selvmedisinering. Folk velger naturbaserte aktiviteter som en form for naturlig terapi/ behandling. • Urbanisering. Urban vekst truer naturmiljøer og fører til tap av naturlandskap. Folks behov for tilgang til grønne områder øker, og dermed vokser også etterspørselen etter naturbasert reiseliv. • Endrede arbeidsmønstre. Reduksjon i fysisk jobbkrav og mindre anstrengende husarbeid fører til økt etterspørsel etter fysisk aktivitet i fritiden. Den voksende middelklassen med mindre rigide arbeidsbetingelser og mer disponibel tid og inntekt åpner for mer fleksibel reising og et ønske om å tilbringe ferien på nye destinasjoner med eksotisk natur. • Kjønn. Moderne samfunn er mer feminiserte, og kvinner påvirker i stor grad valg av fritidsaktiviteter. Kvinner er tilbøyelige til å velge naturbaserte reiselivsaktiviteter preget av bekvemmelighet, kvalitet og skjønnhet, mens menn i større grad søker utfordrende aktiviteter som jakt, fiske og det som representerer spenning i naturomgivelser. • Økende kulturelt mangfold. Det multikulturelle samfunnet endrer markedene i det naturbaserte reiselivet. Tilstrømmingen av turister med ulik kulturell bakgrunn, preferanser og forventninger kan føre til konflikter mellom de ulike segmentene. Nye grep fra naturforvaltningen er påkrevd for å ivareta turistenes ulike behov og forventninger, og forhindre konflikter. • Verdier og livsstiler. Dagens turist er rik på penger men fattig på tid, individualistisk, og søker unike, persontilpassede og autentiske opplevelser. Turister er i økende grad interessert i å delta i naturbaserte reiselivsaktiviteter; det hjelper dem til å forstå seg selv bedre, bidrar til en følelse av personlig forandring og uttrykker en form identitet. Videre er det en økende miljøbevissthet. Teknologiske trender • Transport. Ny teknologi reduserer reisekostnadene og øker reisehastighetene. Tilgjengeligheten til ulike turistdestinasjoner øker. Planer for å redusere karbonutslipp forventes å påvirke destinasjoner som ligger langt fra markedene, på en negativ måte. • High-tech-utstyr. High-tech utstyr og avanserte klær gir friluftslivsutøvere mer komfort, høyere sikkerhet og lettere tilgang til naturområder. Bidrar til vekst i ulike former for naturbaserte reiselivsaktiviteter. • Informasjons- og kommunikasjonsteknologi (IKT). Avansert teknologi gir turistdestinasjoner merverdi for besøkende og reduserer driftskostnader. Turistomtale i elektroniske medier blir stadig viktigere for reismålenes image og turisters reiseatferd. Sosiale media gjør tilbyder-kundeforholdet mer transparent. Mer konkurranse mellom destinasjoner og større forbrukermakt. Mobilteknologi og flere mobile tjenester som dekker avsidesliggende områder, vil oppfordre turister til å besøke og oppleve nye, ukjente naturområder. For naturbasert reiseliv forventes utstrakt bruk av internett (Internet of Things) å kunne være til hjelp i forvaltingen av turiststrømmer i naturområder, forbedre trafikkstyringen allment og raffinere overvåkningen av sårbare økosystemer. Mer tilrettelegging for aktiviteter innendørs (indoorization) og kunstig oppbygde arenaer kan signalisere et skifte bort fra rekreasjonsaktiviteter i naturomgivelser, men det er også argumentert for at slike nye tilbud kan stimulere deltakelse i naturbasert reiseliv. Økonomiske trender • Økonomisk vekst i utviklede økonomier. Økonomisk vekst, økende inntekter og mer disponibel tid i utviklede land gjør det mulig for flere å bruke mer tid på naturbaserte opplevelser. • Økonomisk vekst i utviklingsøkonomier. Økonomisk vekst i BRIC-landenes utviklingsøkonomier, spesielt i Kina og India, vil i betydelig grad bidra til ekspansjon i reisevirksomheten. Dette fører til endinger i den kulturelle og etniske sammensetningen av turister som ankommer EU. Disse gjestene har annerledes turistatferd, forventninger og krav; kinesiske turister utviser større interesse for passiv nytelse av natur og landskap (sightseeing) framfor å engasjere seg i aktive naturbaserte reiselivsaktiviteter. • Delingsøkonomi. Kommersielle foretak som hoteller, restauranter og turoperatører utfordres og blir gradvis erstattet av individer som tilbyr budsjettvennlige tjenester som overnatting, transport, utflukter og måltider. • Drivstoffkostnader. Til tross for tidvise reduksjoner forventes oljeprisen å stige, noe om vil påvirke folks tilbøyelighet til å reise på en negativ måte på grunn av økte priser på flybilletter og introduksjon av ekstra drivstoffavgifter. Strategier for å hindre utslipp av drivhusgasser forventes å begrense/ hindre fremtidig reisevirksomhet. Miljøtrender • Klimaendringer. Har direkte påvirkning på naturbasert reiseliv. Vinterturismen vil bli negativt påvirket i regioner som Nord-Europa og Nord-Amerika ettersom vintrene blir varmere og våtere; lavtliggende skidestinasjoner forventes å få økonomiske problemer som følge av redusert snødekke og mindre besøk. Det vil bli press på kapasiteten i mer snøsikre, høytliggende områder. Hundekjøring og snøskuterkjøring forventes å bli negativt påvirket på grunn av mindre snø. Klimaendringer fører til at isbreene trekker seg tilbake, noe som fører til at ikke bare deres estetiske verdi, men også økonomiske verdi knyttet til naturbaserte aktiviteter som sightseeing, brevandringer og skiturer, reduseres. Klimaendringene fører også til bleking av koraller og miljømessig degradering av marine områder som påvirker dykke- og snorklingsaktiviteter. • Arealbruk og landskapsendringer. Faktorer som urbanisering, befolkningsnedgang i distriktene, eksploatering av arealer til veibygging og energiproduksjon har alle ført til ulike typer av endringer av landskaper og tap av deres estetiske verdier. Intakte naturlandskaper er en sentral forutsetning for naturbasert reiseliv. Derfor har de nevnte faktorene negative konsekvenser for naturbasert reiseliv ettersom attraktiviteten i turistlandskapene og kvaliteten på turistopplevelsene reduseres. Konfliktene mellom ulike interessenter (turisme, skogbruk, energiproduksjon) er også dokumentert i litteraturen. Verneområder er ofte viktige attraksjoner i det naturbaserte turismesystemet, og nyere miljøpolitikk i Skandinavia understreker behovet for å integrere det naturbaserte reiselivet med områdevern til gjensidig nytte for begge parter. Politiske trender • Politisk turbulens. Krig og terrorisme. Politisk turbulens i regioner som Midtøsten, Afrika og deler av Asia forventes å redusere turiststrømmene i alminnelighet, men vil kunne øke attraktiviteten til destinasjonsområder som anses som trygge. Turistattraksjoner som tiltrekker seg store ansamlinger av besøkende (f.eks. kjente naturattraksjoner), er mer utsatt for terroranslag og vil ha behov for sikkerhetstiltak. Tap av naturarv på grunn av krig og uro er påpekt i litteraturen, og eksempler på ødelagte nasjonalparker og ruinerte naturbaserte reiselivsnæringer i land med politisk turbulens og terror er også dokumentert. • Endringer i grensekontroller. Endringer i grensekontroller gjennom introduseringen og implementeringen av avtaler som Schengen-samarbeidet eller Kinas utreisebestemmelser (Approved Destination Status, 'ADS') har redusert grenserestriksjoner og utløst enorme reisemuligheter i flere regioner rundt om i verden. Kinas ADS er forventet å bli verdens største utreisemarked i 2020. • Helserisiko. Den vedvarende økningen i internasjonal reisevirksomhet er en drivkraft i oppblomstringen og spredningen av infeksjonssykdommer (Zika eller Ebola-virus). Fremtidig spredning av vedvarende livstruende sykdommer kan bidra til at internasjonal reisevirksomhet oppfattes som en personlig risiko. Reiseaktiviteten kan tenkes å bli strengt regulert for å unngå spredning av virussykdommer i turistområdene. • Geopolitikk. I dagens globaliserte verden er turismen et redskap for å nå visse geopolitiske mål. For eksempel er felles sportsbegivenheter i Samveldenasjonene et instrument for å ivareta samholdet blant disse nasjonene. Kinas ADS er et politisk verktøy. Regionale blokker som den nordamerikanske og europeiske frihandelsavtalen påvirker også turistbevegelsene. Rapporten er finansiert av BIOTOUR – et fireårig forskningsprosjekt der formålet er å identifisere nøkkelbetingelser for videreutvikling av naturbasert reiseliv i norsk bioøkonomi som sikrer næringsutvikling, robuste lokalsamfunn og bærekraftig ressursbruk (www.nmbu.no/biotour).

Marx has a threefold objective in "On the Jewish Question": to respond to Bruno Bauer's views on the same issue; to give us his own standing on the matter of the political emancipation of Jewish populations in Germany and the rest of Europe, while at the same time defining what political emancipation means for each citizen, no matter the religion, in a modern State; and lastly, to show us how political emancipation is not enough and how actual freedom (political plus social) is accessible to all once a new, final and imperative kind of emancipation is obtained: human emancipation. This paper will be divided into two parts: the first one will try to briefly review and explain Marx's text. Particular attention will be given to the differentiation between political and human emancipation and its implications. In this section, Marx's views on Judaism will be clarified by analyzing them on their proper socio-historical context. In the second one, an interesting and, hopefully, appropriate exercise will be put into consideration: taking into account Marx's concerns regarding the possibility of inclusion of a religious minority into the public spheres of a secular State, the Jewish question of 19th century's Europe will be altered into the Muslim question of 21st century's Europe. According to Yoav Peled the main difference between how Bauer and Marx confront the issue of Jewish emancipation is that the former one considers the problem as a theological one, while the latter does it as a sociological one (1). Bauer affirms that not only the Jews are longing for political emancipation, meaning being recognized by the State as equal citizens; but also the rest of the Gentile population is awaiting such recognition. The State cannot emancipate Jews if it still has not emancipated the rest. The Jewry cannot obtain full citizenship if there are no citizens. In order to attain political emancipation the State has to become a secular one, not to recognize any religion as its official one and to extend freedom of religion to all of its citizens. Religious freedom would require religion's removal from the public sphere and its "ostracism" into a private creed. This privatization of religion would eventually abolish it. Nevertheless, Bauer does not consider the Jews capable of becoming free because he does not consider Judaism able to become a private creed. Bauer characterizes Judaism as a religion of law not as, like Christianity, areligion of faith. Being a religion based on actions and not on beliefs would completely be opposed to freedom of religion, to its own removal from the public sphere. Judaism could not become free because there is a chance that its laws would contradict the laws of the State. Marx, instead, affirms that Jews (and Christians), in order to be really emancipated do not have to abandon Judaism in a theological way, but have to do it in a sociological manner. Political emancipation as stated by Bauer is not the final possible form of emancipation, but it is the last possible form of emancipation within the framework of the prevailing social order. For example, according to Marx the citizens of the United States of America, which at the time was the best case of a modern secular State, still practiced, and needed to practice, their religious beliefs as private creeds. Then, Bauer was wrong; religion survived the test and did not disappear after political emancipation. As reported by Marx this happened because when religion is expulsed from the sphere of public law to that of private law, religion becomes the spirit of civil society and the essence of differentiation which leads to, and presupposes, inequality. Political emancipation divides the human being into two antagonistic spheres: the individual, who is egoistic by nature and based in inequality and corresponds to civil society; and the citizen, who is based in common solidarity and equality and complements with the State. This separation can only be overcome by human emancipation. Human emancipation is the final and real kind of reachable and desired emancipation by all human beings. Human emancipation would erase all deficiencies that are found in civil society: private property, insecurity and religion. Human emancipation would, then, end social inequality. Only then, humans would achieve real and total freedom. Only when the individual and the citizen would synthesize their antagonisms in the species-being would humanity be free from all its social and political constraints and a truly democratic State would appear. (2)Marx's views on Judaism have been defined as anti-Semitic by several critics; but it is not the case (3). First of all, Marx was a strong advocate for political emancipation to the Jewish communities in Europe, especially in Germany, and he believed, in opposition to Bauer, that the Jewry was fully capable of becoming citizens in a secular State by privatizing their creed. Although, it has to be said that Marx, like Bauer, considered Judaism to be a religion based on laws; he did not directly consider the case if Judaism could withstand the transformation to a private form. Orthodox Jews, for example, would not become suitable for citizenship in the modern secular State. Because Marx could not resolve this argument in a direct form he chose to solve it by taking Judaism in its socio-historical context instead than in a purely theological way. To Marx Jews have embodied the mercantile spirit in a natural economy dominated Europe (4). Jews did not choose to be merchants or entrepreneurs: feudal society limited them to those kinds of activities. They could not legally own land or be members of any corporate guild. Jews could only deal with money or goods exchange(5). Then, Jews could only be considered as bourgeois, as capitalists, as financiers. Even if, like Marx says, the Jewish mercantile particularity had already generalized through the Christian world and there was no economic basis for distinguishing between Jews and Gentiles, which allowed the Jews to practically self-emancipate by the "Judaization" of society; the general public was still perceiving Judaism as a synonymous of "merchants"(6). It is rather interesting to note that in 1850 half of all entrepreneurs in Berlin were Jews and that in 1861 58% of the Prussian Jewry was engaged in commerce and credit, while only 2% of Christians was similarly employed (7). When Marx calls for the abolition of Judaism, he is calling for the abolition of the economic activity that was a reflection of the Jews social-historical role in society; he is calling for the end of the mercantile/capitalist elements that produce social inequality. The abolition of Judaism means the abolition of all religions through the correction of the secular defect of civil society(8). Finally, Marx's views on the political emancipation of a religious minority and of social emancipation as the only way to end all inequalities and distinctions could be helpful in order to understand the current Muslim Question that is concerning much of Europe. The Muslim question is significantly different from 19th century's Jewish question. Jews were asking for the State's recognition of the same basic constitutional rights that Christians already, or were about to, benefited from. Additionally, liberal-secularists, like Bauer, were concerned about Judaism's capability to remove their religious practices from the public sphere and privatize them. According to them, it was essential for the survival of the modern secular State that its citizens should exclude their religious distinctiveness from all of their public interactions with the State or with other fellow citizens. Today, Muslims in Europe enjoy all of the individual and social rights that are recognized in each of the European Constitutions; meaning political emancipation is not an issue. It is Islam's interactions with the secular, and almost irreligious, European public spheres that has become on of the most fervent debates in the last few years. Such debate extremely overcomes the purpose of this article, but a few points should be taken into account regarding the Muslim question and the relevance of Marx's work on the matter. Marx, just like with the political emancipation of the Jews, would not have been able to directly confront the possibility of a real privatization of Islamic beliefs, because he would have faced the same issue that arose in the Jewish question: Islam, like Judaism, is a religious of laws. As it has been said, a religion of laws will almost certainly contradict the laws of a secular State and would not be able to refrain from interrelate with the public sphere. For example, teachers wearing a Muslim veil or turban in public schools; Muslim women wearing burqas in public facilities; the introduction of Sharia law in order to legalize social relationships within Muslim communities and in their relations with non-Muslim communities; etc., are challenges to the secular State. Several European countries are juggling between the right of freedom of religion and absolute secularism(9): France chooses to ban burqas in public spaces; the Netherlands to expel teachers from public schools that insisted in wearing veils or turbans in class; Italy to reform family law in order to stop "honor killings" among Muslim families; etc. But like with Judaism, Marx would overcome Islam's inability to privatize its creed by arguing that such incapability is a symptom of the antagonism between civil society (the individual egoistic man) and the State (the solidary citizen) and that will never be surpassed until human emancipation is obtained. Interestingly enough, while during the 19th century Jews were an equivalent to bourgeois and entrepreneurs, Muslims of the 21st century, on the other hand, are identified with other kinds of socio-economic characterization. Muslims are identified either as proletarians or as lumpenproletarians. Remarkably, the occupational standing of 84% of Muslims living in Germany is either blue or white collar; compared to just 40% of non-Muslims Germans (10); 20% of young non-Muslim French are unemployed compared to 50% of young French Muslims(11); 9% of non-Muslim Dutch are unemployed, while 30% of Dutch Muslims are jobless(12); 10% of non-Muslim Belgians live below the poverty line, while 60% of Muslim Belgians are poor(13); 15% of non-Muslim British households are in poverty, but that percentage ascends to 55% when Muslim British households are considered(14). In Europe 80% of Muslim men are employed in low-skill/low-wage jobs and in routine manual and service occupations, only 45% of non-Muslim men are employed in the same kind of jobs(15). Finally, when the Human Development Index is taken into account and it is divided among the Muslim and non-Muslim population in the European countries it is evidenced that the standard of living of Muslim communities is significantly lower than that of the rest (16). This brief and expedited socio-economic context of Muslims in Europe would be employed by Marx in order to circumvent Islam's inability to privatize its creed: Muslims, although they live in modern secular States and enjoy political emancipation, persist in carrying on with their religious practices in public spaces, and sometimes in opposition to public laws, because they are suffering social inequality; they are suffering from not attaining human emancipation. Of course, all human beings lack of human emancipation, not only Muslims in Europe, but it is Muslims' special socio-economic situation in Europe that creates a secular deficiency from political emancipation and prevents their religion's transformation into a private creed. Jews did not have political emancipation and were, in their majority, entrepreneurs, which gave them a better socio-economic standing and allowed them to privatize their religion once political emancipation was conquered. Most of European Muslims, in contrast, are proletarians and, in worst cases, lumpenproletarians (17)and even if they enjoy political emancipation they find themselves in a position characterized by an extreme social inequality, that does not allow many of them to privatize their creed (18). Only through human emancipation and social equality they would be able to negate their religious differentiation; because in a true democratic State, a communist State according to Marx, communism itself would act as a religious belief and manner of living. That is, perhaps, how Marx intended to accomplish the abolition of all religions: by the emergence of a new politically and socially equal "religion for all human beings", that of communism.(1) Peled Yoad; "From Theology to Sociology: Bruno Bauer and Karl Marx on the Question of Jewish Emancipation";History of Political Thought; Vol. XIII, No. 3, Autumn, 1992. (2) Marx borrows the concept of species-being from Feuerbach. It seems to be implied in the text, although it is more possible to be influenced by later Marx's texts, that revolution is the mean to obtain human emancipation; the mean that those who suffer from social inequality will use in order to end that suffering. Once human emancipation is reached then the democratic/communist State is at hand. Again, this is not actually said in On the Jewish Question. (3) See Flannery Edward, Antisemitism: Myth and Hate from Antiquity to the Present, Palgrave Macmillan, London, 2005, pp.154-157; and Lewis Bernard, Semites and Anti-Semites: An Inquiry into Conflict and Prejudice, W. W. Norton & Company, New York, 1999, pp. 112.(4) Peled Yoad; "From Theology to Sociology: Bruno Bauer and Karl Marx on the Question of Jewish Emancipation"; History of Political Thought; Vol. XIII, No. 3, Autumn, 1992, pp. 475. (5) It was this image of the "financial Jew", embodied in the Rothschild dynasty, which begot the western anti-Semitic wave of the 19th and 20th century. See Arendt, Hannah, The Origins of Totalitarianism, Benediction Books, New York, 2009; Ferguson Niall, The Ascent of Money: A Financial History of the World, Penguin, New York, 2009; Ferguson Niall, The House of Rothschild, Penguin, New York, 2000; Landes David,Dynasties: Fortunes and Misfortunes of the World's Great Family Businesses, Penguin, New York, 2007.(6) Actually, the word "Judentum" came to be a synonymous with commerce.(7) Sorkin David, The Transformation of German Jewry, 1780-1840, Wayne State University Press, New York, 1999, pp. 108-9.(8) Peled Yoad; "From Theology to Sociology: Bruno Bauer and Karl Marx on the Question of Jewish Emancipation"; History of Political Thought; Vol. XIII, No. 3, Autumn, 1992, pp. 481.(9) For more about the interaction of Muslim minorities and political liberalism in a Rawlsian version see Benhenda, Mostapha, "For Muslim Minorities, it is Possible to Endorse Political Liberalism, but this is not Enough", Journal Of Islamic Law and Culture, Vol. 11, No. 2, May 2009, pp. 71-87. The article concludes that almost all Muslim minorities could and will endorse political liberalism, but many will not be able to do it because of a religious normative prohibition to reform their doctrine.(10) "Muslim Life in Germany", Federal Office for Migration and Refugees, German Government, http://www.bamf.de/SharedDocs/Anlagen/EN/Migration/Publikationen/Forschung/Forschungsberichte/fb6-muslimisches-leben,templateId=raw,property=publicationFile.pdf/fb6-muslimisches-leben.pdf(11) "Muslims in Europe", Open Society Institute; http://www.soros.org/initiatives/home/articles_publications/publications/muslims-europe-20091215/a-muslims-europe-20100302.pdf(12) Ibid.(13) Ibid.(14) Ibid.(15) Ibid.(16) For example, the HDI of Spain, Italy, Great Britain, France, Germany and Sweden are: 0,955; 0,951; 0,947; 0,961; 0.947 and 0,963 respectively; while the HDI of their respective Muslim communities are: 0,841; 0, 848; 0, 830; 0, 850; 0, 860; 0,912. Available at the European Social Survey http://ess.nsd.uib.no/ (17) Loïc Wacquant would call them "urban outcasts" or marginal. See Wacquant Loïc, Urban Outcasts: A Comparative Sociology of Advanced Marginality, Polity, Cambridge, 2007; Wacquant Loïc, Prisons of Poverty, University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, 2009; Wacquant Loïc, Los Condenados de la ciudad. Gueto, peripherias, Estado, Siglo XII Editores, Buenos Aires, 2007.(18) Certainly they are more religious than Christian and Jewish Europeans because they are perceived as a marginalized minority and in fierce competition with non-Muslim proletarians. It is civil society that enforces religious differentiation on them.*Estudiante de Doctorado, New School for Social Research, New YorkMaestría en Estudios Internacionales, Universidad Torcuato Di Tella, Buenos AiresÁrea de Especialización: Procesos de formación del Estado moderno, sociología de la guerra, terrorismo, genocidio, conflictos étnicos, nacionalismos y minorías.

Bettye B. Gillespie ; The Weber and Davis County Communities Oral History Collection include interviews of citizens from several different walks of life. These interviews were conducted by Stewart Library personnel, WeberState University faculty and students, and other members of the community. The histories cover various topics and chronicle the personal everyday life experiences and other recollections regarding the history of the Weber and Davis County areas. ; 17p.; 29cm.; 2 bound transcripts; 4 file folders. 1 video disc: digital; 4 3/4 in. ; Oral History Program Bettye B. Gillespie Interviewed By Rebecca Ory Hernandez 11 July 2012 i ii Oral History Program Weber State University Stewart Library Ogden, Utah Bettye B. Gillespie Interviewed by Rebecca Ory Hernandez 11 July 2012 Copyright © 2013 by Weber State University, Stewart Library iii Mission Statement The Oral History Program of the Stewart Library was created to preserve the institutional history of Weber State University and the Davis, Ogden and Weber County communities. By conducting carefully researched, recorded, and transcribed interviews, the Oral History Program creates archival oral histories intended for the widest possible use. Interviews are conducted with the goal of eliciting from each participant a full and accurate account of events. The interviews are transcribed, edited for accuracy and clarity, and reviewed by the interviewees (as available), who are encouraged to augment or correct their spoken words. The reviewed and corrected transcripts are indexed, printed, and bound with photographs and illustrative materials as available. Archival copies are placed in the University Archives, which also houses the original recording so researchers can gain a sense of the interviewee's voice and intonations. Project Description The Weber and Davis County Communities Oral History Collection include interviews of citizens from several different walks of life. These interviews were conducted by Stewart Library personnel, Weber State University faculty and students, and other members of the community. The histories cover various topics and chronicle the personal everyday life experiences and other recollections regarding the history of the Weber and Davis County areas. ____________________________________ Oral history is a method of collecting historical information through recorded interviews between a narrator with firsthand knowledge of historically significant events and a well-informed interviewer, with the goal of preserving substantive additions to the historical record. Because it is primary material, oral history is not intended to present the final, verified, or complete narrative of events. It is a spoken account. It reflects personal opinion offered by the interviewee in response to questioning, and as such it is partisan, deeply involved, and irreplaceable. ____________________________________ Rights Management All literary rights in the manuscript, including the right to publish, are reserved to the Stewart Library of Weber State University. No part of the manuscript may be published without the written permission of the University Librarian. Requests for permission to publish should be addressed to the Administration Office, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, Utah, 84408. The request should include identification of the specific item and identification of the user. It is recommended that this oral history be cited as follows: Gillespie, Bettye, an oral history by Rebecca Ory Hernandez, 11 July 2012, WSU Stewart Library Oral History Program, University Archives, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, UT. Bettye B. Gillespie July 11, 2012 1 Abstract: Bettye Gillespie met with Rebecca Ory Hernandez from Weber State University's development office to talk about her life and education, along with the life and activism within the NAACP of her husband, James Harding Gillespie. James Harding Gillespie was the chair of the Ogden, Utah NAACP chapter for over 30 years. Bettye joined "Jim" in his work as a civil rights leader. Bettye also speaks of attending Ogden High School, then continuing her education in politics and later at the University of Utah in the Human Resources Management master's level program. Bettye served and retired as the first female Equal Opportunity Director at Hill Air Force Base. ROH: Today is Wednesday, July 11, 2012, and we are in the home of Ms. Bettye Gillespie. I am Rebecca Ory Hernandez, here to do an oral history with Bettye about her involvement with the NAACP Organization and the civil rights movement in Utah as well as nationally. Why don't we just start with talking a little bit about your education and how you came to be involved in political science? BG: I have a degree in political science from the University of Utah. I also studied at Howard University in Washington D.C. and nearly completed a Master's Degree with the exception of a written thesis. My aunt lived in Washington D.C. and that's how I got there. I came home and got my Master's Degree at the University of Utah in Human Resource Management after I started working. ROH: How did you become so interested in politics? BG: My husband was president of the NAACP for thirty-three years. Of course, that automatically involved me in politics. 2 ROH: Was he the president of the Ogden branch? BG: Marshall White was the president and my husband was the vice president. Marshall White was an Ogden policeman and was killed in the line of duty. My husband then became president. That would have been quite a number of years ago. My husband passed away three years ago. ROH: Do you remember the year when he became president? BG: I don't remember, but they have a really nice portrait of Marshall White at the Center and they could tell you. ROH: What were some of the things that you did as a member of that group? BG: I was a Youth Director. We had quite an active group at that time. My kids were all involved and two of my daughters served on the National NAACP board. My oldest daughter, Shauna, and my middle girl, Deon, both served on the youth board and we were seriously into it. There were so many demonstrations and marches going on all over the country. We were equally involved. Just before we lost Marshall White, we moved to a house in Riverdale. It was up on the edge of Washington Terrace. We bought this house and some people threw tar through the window just before we moved in. It caused quite a stir. ROH: What year would that have been? Give me a time frame. BG: That would have been about thirty-five to forty years ago (early 1970's). ROH: What were you able to do? Was there any kind of response? BG: It was all over the paper and in the news. There were neighbors around there who came with their scrub buckets and cleaned it all up. Of course, the FBI was involved and they don't tell you a lot but they took care of it. There were some 3 kids in the neighborhood that my kids knew. We didn't know they lived there at the time. I'll never forget one lady who came with her grandson and he had his scrub bucket and they were really cleaning that tar. My kids were little and the Stake President on the side had two big strapping boys and he told them, "Go look after and make sure the Gillespie girls don't have any problems." As it turned out it, not everybody was nice. There was one man who said, "Well, our property values are going to go down." Before it was over with, the Men's Layman League from the Congregational Church came out and formed a circle around that block. They were going to protect us. There were other people we knew personally that came from the United Methodist and Episcopal Churches. There was one guy that came and sat on our front porch with a big rifle. ROH: How long did you live there? BG: We lived there for about eight years. ROH: Were there other incidents after that first incident? BG: Telephone. ROH: Crank calls? BG: Yes. My oldest girl loved to answer the phone and it got to the point where they had to go through a telephone operator in order to get to us. We got a lot of crank mail, so all of our mail went through the postmaster before it came to us. Those were interesting times. In the meantime, they were having riots in Los Angeles and throughout the country. We survived and before it was over everybody was our friend and all of their kids were in our yard wanting to play in the kid's pool and the swing set. 4 ROH: You mentioned some marches that went on here in Ogden. Can you tell me about a couple of those and what was surrounding the reason for the marches? BG: The one I can remember was when they completed the Marshall White Center. My husband had a lot to do with that center being built. The Secretary of Housing and Urban Development was on the National Board of the NAACP. We talked back and forth to him and got it funded because there was no recreation at all in that area. ROH: There were no parks or recreation centers on that side of town? BG: No. ROH: At that time in history, were things pretty well integrated in Ogden? BG: Well, certainly some people were. We did have a problem with Lorin Farr Park. At that time, they didn't want black people to swim in that pool there. I was still in the youth group when people told us that, so I threw my bathing suit over my back and with a couple of men went out there to see. Sure enough, it was true. We went to the city council and they talked about, "Why don't we build a swimming pool in that area?" Now, we're talking about one tenth of one percent black people at that time. They didn't have any money to build a swimming pool for a handful of black folks. Weber State was on 25th Street and they had a pool. They said, "They can come up here and swim." It really surprised everybody. It turned out that they were embarrassed. Of course, I was no great swimmer and when I was a child my mother would have never let me go into a public pool. We had our share of problems and there were restaurants that would not serve black people. ROH: Do you remember any of the names of those places? 5 BG: I'll never remember the names of them. One of them was a Chinese restaurant. It's long gone. There was another one where they were just as nice as could be. There was one that Jimmy and I would go to and one day we took another black couple and they wouldn't serve us. ROH: Odd. BG: Really odd. That was that same Chinese restaurant. ROH: Was this early in your marriage or after you'd already had children? BG: I know that would have been in the sixties. I do remember that because after the Civil Rights Act was passed in 1964, we went right back to that same restaurant with that other couple and they gave us such good service. They gave us so many shrimp we didn't know what to do with them. We were in Washington, D.C. when the Civil Rights Bill passed. The NAACP lawyer came into the meeting and told us that the bill was passed. After we got home we went to the restaurant. The couple with us was also quite prominent. Much later, Margo was on the board of trustees of Weber State. They were just really lovely people. ROH: What were their last names? BG: Margo and Ira Horton. ROH: What was it like being in the meeting in Washington D.C. when that bill was passed? BG: There was a really big celebration. People were seriously into civil rights and there were a lot of people there. There were a lot of big branches in Washington D.C., from New York, Maryland and Virginia. There were really a lot of people there. They just really whooped it right up. 6 ROH: That must have been amazing. BG: It was. That was before we got to know Governor George Romney of Michigan. ROH: Tell me a little bit about that. BG: We always liked him. He was always here for something. There were meetings we were involved in all kinds of things. He was the one that came here a lot. The Detroit branch of NAACP was the largest branch. They just had loads of people. They were really active. The NAACP had a meeting in Mississippi—that's where my husband's family was from, Starkville, Mississippi. The meeting was in Jackson. My kids were really little and it was just really hot there. We'd never felt anything like that before. I almost got sick. Jimmy took me back to the hotel, but the people of the Detroit branch said, "As far as we know, the only Governor in the United States who is coming to this meeting is George Romney." They asked, "You know the Romney's don't you?" I said, "Oh, yeah." They asked, "Could you go meet them for us?" We said, "Yes, we can." When the limo pulled up in front of the conference center and he got out he said, "There are my Utah folks." He remembered that we were from Utah. He was so happy to see us because he didn't know what kind of a reception he was going to get. He just hugged and kissed me. He only knew us from when he was coming back and forth home and since we got invited to everything we were always somewhere he was. ROH: Were both of your families' friends or was the relationship primarily with George? BG: It was just with him. ROH: Was he active in helping with the NAACP at that time? 7 BG: I think he was in Michigan. He must have been because they liked him so much. ROH: Tell me about some of the other memorable times in the sixties and seventies with the NAACP. There were a lot of changes going on in the country in the late sixties as well. BG: After the Civil Rights bill passed in 1964, the voting rights act passed in 1965. We still had problems. A lot of people were killed on the court house steps trying to vote in the South. ROH: Was that also happening here? BG: No. As I said, we just had a handful of black folks. Throughout the country there were all kinds of changes. It was just absolute turmoil all over the South and a lot of other places like California. They had fires, riots and all kinds of things. There were a lot of other groups other than NAACP. Urban League didn't have a lot of turmoil with them but there were also the Black Panthers. ROH: I remember them. They used to scare me a little bit, but I was glad that they were out there. BG: I'm sure. We had an NAACP meeting in Los Angeles and I believe it was Hubert Humphrey that came. I can't be sure, but I can remember this Jewish man who was on the board. They're still giving awards in his honor. There was a group that actually broke into the convention hall before Jackie Robinson died and he was standing on the edge of the stage when these guys broke in. He was a big, strong man and stopped them. The Black Panthers came in and just took them right out of there. They had been marching around protecting us. That was some kind of time. 8 ROH: What is it like compared to now? What are your thoughts about the changes that have been made? BG: It's just really, very different. I've served two terms on the board of trustees at the University of Utah. I was involved in a lot of things. I was on the Martin Luther King Commission and the Utah division of the U.S. Civil Rights Commission. That was when Clarence Thomas was head of the Civil Rights Commission. ROH: What kind of projects did you work on in that role? BG: We worked on just about everything. People who worked with the city and the state could file a complaint to the Civil Rights Commission. We did some of those things. ROH: You handled those hearings? BG: Yes. Of course, the Martin Luther King Jr. Commission did everything. ROH: You've seen a lot, that's for sure. BG: Yes. I remember when Coretta King came to Utah. I think that was after he (Martin Luther King Jr.) was assassinated, but I'm not sure. I believe she went to the Unitarian Church that was right on the corner from the University. That's the only time I recall ever seeing her. I know that Martin Luther King Jr. came here once. I didn't see him. I know they had put up a great big billboard that said he was a communist and all that kind of stuff. It seems to me that it was on what used to be Highway 91.We didn't have Highway 89 then. Highway 91 is still there but it just goes through Kaysville and Farmington. They were not anywhere near as big as they are now. Anyway, there were a lot of people offended and I think 9 they might have made them take it down. As I recall, he must have been going to the University of Utah to speak. ROH: Did you get to visit with either of them when they came to Utah? BG: I don't think I ever saw Dr. King, but when Coretta was here I did visit with her. ROH: What was that like? BG: There were a lot of people around but she was very gracious and very pretty. They had so many people, they were all outside. I can remember that. I remember being seated in the choir loft of the church, so I was really close to her. That was after he had died because I can remember giving a donation for the Martin Luther King Jr. holiday. I think that's why she was here. I don't ever remember seeing him. ROH: Are you still involved with the NAACP today? BG: I still belong, but I'm not as active as I once was. I try to go to a few things. I should be able to go to more. Before my husband died we went to banquets and activities. ROH: I know they do a lot on the Martin Luther King Jr. holiday. Are you involved with that at all? BG: After my husband died I had a difficult time. So, I can't say that in these past three years that I've done a lot, but I have been to things. I've been up to Weber to various things. Julian Bond is still President of the board. I got an award for Rosa Parks. ROH: You did? BG: That's what that article was about in that book. 10 ROH: Did you ever have an opportunity to meet her? BG: No. ROH: What was your favorite part of living in Ogden and being a part of the Civil Rights movement here? BG: I never thought about any favorite part. We were just always going. We were always busy. Believe it or not, we got invited to everything. We got invited to the Governor's Ball and we were always going somewhere. If you're involved like we were with the University board, we went to everything they had. I said, "I'll never eat another meatball in my life. I'll never eat another olive." We went to all of those things and all of their athletic games. We went to Weber's games and we were always really busy. ROH: Active in the community too. Is there anything that I might have not touched on that you'd like to share? You're being very modest, I know. BG: I can't think of anything. ROH: Did you ever serve on the City Council in Ogden or any committees? BG: No. I got an YCC award. Actually, they were the YWCA and then they had some kind of a falling out. That's when they became the YCC. I got their award early on when they were still YWCA. They were located near the Eccles Center. Then, they built this other facility and that has been there a really long time. I was a little bit active in that. I was always involved in something. I was pretty active in the League of Women voters. I always had the NAACP youth group. ROH: What did the youth group focus on? What was their purpose? 11 BG: They were being brought up in the tradition. They had a national college chapter and they did all kinds of things. There were those who sat at lunch counters and they did all kinds of things. John Lewis, who is now a congressman, was beaten up over that Pettus Bridge. Some of these things I remember from television. I was the Equal Opportunity Officer at Hill Air Force Base for twenty years. I remember having to go what they call TDY, to Maxwell Air Force Base in Alabama. This lady who was from here had been with the Clearfield Job Corps center and she heard that there were some people from Hill Air Force Base out there at Maxwell. I looked up and there she was to see me. I had to stay there three weeks. We had a whole bunch of training. She came over to see if there was anybody she knew. She just screamed when she saw me because she had taught at the Clearfield center. She said, "I'm going to take you to see this Pettus Bridge." and all that. That was the highway that went from Montgomery to Selma one way. She took me to where Dr. King's father's church was. In fact, we went to one of the churches. I don't remember whether it was Dr. King's church. I think it was his father's church that she took us to. We went to see that. I thought that was sure interesting. It was something else. There was a man who was in the Nixon administration who came down to speak. His name was Laurence Corb. He's still active in some things. He did the Civil Rights work for Nixon when they were working on Affirmative Action. ROH: What are your thoughts on Affirmative Action? BG: I was definitely in favor of it because there had been so many incidents where people wanted to go to colleges and they couldn't get in because there was just a 12 little bit of segregation and discrimination. That really helped some kids get a really good education. We knew one of the Little Rock Nine, Earnest Green. We were involved in that. I think he is still working for the government. Some of them have passed on, but I saw something in the paper about one of the women not too long ago. ROH: She still gives lectures. BG: Does she? ROH: She does. One of my friends lives in Little Rock and she's part of a book club and they invited her to speak to their book club. It's a pretty big group of ladies. It's probably been about three or four years ago now. She had written a book, either a children's book or a young person's book about her experience. So, she was talking about her book. BG: Daisy Bates and the Little Rock Nine. I can remember it was in a magazine. It was these two military men with fixed bayonets taking this little girl to school. What was that magazine? ROH: I can't remember. It wasn't "Highlights," was it? BG: It was a regular magazine that everybody took. If you saw any of his drawings on back of his magazine you would recognize it. ROH: Norman Rockwell? BG: Norman Rockwell. He had this little girl with the braids going up like that and there she was going to school having to have two military people escort her. ROH: Was it Ruby Bridges? 13 BG: It could have been. I remember that they just weren't going to have it. Eisenhower was President and he had been a general and he didn't take any nonsense. He just said, "Go down there and get those kids in school." ROH: What was it like being in Utah while that was going on in the United States? BG: I can't say it was all that bad because I have warm feelings about my teachers. Not all of them, but some. I remember when I was in high school there were only maybe eight black kids in there. ROH: How could you even imagine that was happening while you have access here in Utah and they did not have access in another part of the country? Did it ever occur to you? BG: No. We never had more than eight kids in the high school in one of Ogden High's largest graduating classes. It might still be the largest. We had problems. There was a group there that all wore green shirts and they were kind of like a gang. They used to hang around in the hall and you had to pass them to get to the girls restroom. I was kind of afraid of them and I was really little. One of the guys that was in that group ended up as a law professor at BYU. He said, "Bettye, don't you ever tell anybody how awfully we behaved." They just meddled. They weren't that much into racism or anything. They were awful but he didn't want me to ever tell anyone and I said, "I'm going to tell everybody under the sun," but I never did. He turned out to be the nicest fellow. We'd go to class reunions and he'd say to my husband, "Jim, when are you going to join the Mormon Church?" He said, "My wife can't even get me to join the Episcopal Church." There was one other on the university board from that group and he didn't want me to say anything 14 about it because he had grown up to be quite a business man and had a lot of money. I never said anything about him to anybody. ROH: Why do you think you stayed so involved and served for all of those years? What kept you going? BG: I don't know. It's just something we got into. My husband was President of the NAACP and I wrote all of his speeches he gave and all those articles. ROH: You wrote a lot of his speeches? BG: All of them. ROH: All of them. Wow. That's impressive. BG: Formal speeches and stuff like that. If he had to just talk to the press, he'd talk to the press. He was cute and had a cute personality so the people liked to interview him. ROH: Are there any words of wisdom or advice that you have to give to young people today? If students at Weber State who are doing research on civil rights and just about the future, is there any kind of message that you would like to leave to the future? BG: They have this group up there, Black Scholars United. This past year and they gave me an award. I don't know how deeply involved they are in that but most of them knew about it because it's a part of the history, the books. I've spoken at Weber a couple of times. I did one on Rosa Parks for one of Adrienne's classes. They were interested and they wanted to know about this back of the bus thing. I had to tell them about the military people that went off to a segregated armed services and how President Truman desegregated it. I had a colonel out at Hill 15 Air Force Base that said he went over in a segregated Air Force and came back in a desegregated one. He was white. He knew a lot about it. I had to tell them about that and how those men came back home and had to sit at the back of the bus. ROH: Were they shocked? BG: I don't know whether they were shocked, but they were sure interested. ROH: Can you imagine putting your life on the line and coming home and being told no you can't sit where you want to? BG: Prisoners of war had more privileges than black veterans. Through the years various presidents have gotten rid of it. I remember this colonel at the base said he remembered that. ROH: Do you have any recollection of segregation as a child? You didn't mention anything as a young girl when you first got to Utah, do you remember there being separate places for blacks and whites? BG: No, just that restaurant thing. I remember we had a junior high school called Central Junior High School at either 24th or 25th and Monroe. There were not a lot of black kids in school but there were a couple of black boys. There was a little mom and pop drug store that sold candy and they got into it with this man about something. Of course, I didn't know anything about it. I went over to get my candy and he wouldn't serve it to me. He said because these two black kids had been over and raised a fuss and I said, "Well, what does that have to do with me?" "Well, I'm just not going to serve any black people anymore." I went right back across the street and told Mr. Junk, the principal, "I don't know why he 16 blamed me because of something that somebody else did." Mr. Junk took me over there and he told him, "You'll serve her or none of the kids will ever come over here again." That's where he got most of his money from. I tell you, he was surprised and so was I because there weren't many people who were willing to do that. I'll never forget him. He was a big fella too. There I was only five feet tall. ROH: Well, you have seen a lot of changes over time. BG: I have. There are other stores. For example, Walgreens got into it for a while. People didn't know what to do here. You could go in there and buy anything you wanted but they didn't want you to sit at the counter and have a soda or a malt. I was old enough to remember that we boycotted that place. They didn't have that many people going in there. They had to shut down. It was a long time before they ever opened up in Ogden again. There are fifty-two units in this condominium complex and I'm the only Black. When we lived in Washington Terrace we bought a really pretty home. My husband just loved it. He had three vegetable gardens, twenty rose bushes, fruit trees and this, that, and the other. It was just really nice and that's where we lived all the time. It was right near the schools and the kids could walk to each one of them. We lived there for a long time. He became ill and was ill for a long time before it dawned on me that he was seriously ill. He was not doing well. My kids, by that time, had graduated from college and had moved away. My youngest daughter Kendall went to Weber. The other two went to the University of Utah. My youngest was daddy's baby and he said, "If you go to Weber instead of the University of Utah, I'll buy you a car," and he did. He bought 17 a car because the Gillespie's have been in the Ford Lincoln Mercury business for years. So, she stayed home and they went away. Pretty soon, Jimmy and I were there all by ourselves. Here I was trying to do all this yard and for a while we had some little deer babies passing through. There were some twin deer we had occasionally. We don't know where they came from or how they got there but it was not far from here. They came running through our backyard and I was trying to get the neighbor boy to come over so he could see them. I kept saying, "T.J., come see the baby deer." He never got over there in time. He was only about three. I look in the paper and there is T.J., he's the quarter back at Fremont High School. I couldn't believe it. When he was three years old, he said, "Mr. Glesky." He couldn't say Gillespie. "Would you come play with me? My sisters won't play with me." ROH: That's so sweet. BG: I thought that was something else. Now, there's a big picture of him on the sports page. ROH: Well, thank you so much for sharing your stories with me. Thank you for being such a great humanitarian too.

In this dissertation, we are mainly interested in the interactions between poverty and one of its greatest dimensions1, namely health. More specifically, we will focus on their inequalities: does poverty inequality have more effect on poverty than health level? Does health inequality matter to poverty? Poverty and health are two related concepts that both express human deprivation. Health is said to be one of the most important dimensions of poverty and vice-versa. That is, poverty implies poor health because of a low investment in health, a bad environment and sanitation and other living conditions due to poverty, a poor nutrition (thus a greater risk of illness), a limited access to, and use of, health care, a lower health education and investment in health, etc2. Conversely, poor health leads inevitably to poverty due to high opportunity costs occasioned by ill-health such as unemployment or limited employability (thus a loss of income and revenues), a lower productivity (due to loss of strength, skills and ability), a loss of motivation and energy (which lengthen the duration of job search), high health care expenditures (or catastrophic expenditures), etc3. But what are the degree of correlation and the direction of the causality between these two phenomena? Which causes which? This is a classic problem of simultaneity that has become a great challenge for economists. Worst, each of these phenomena (health and poverty) has many dimensions4. How to reconcile two multidimensional and simultaneous events? 1 Aside the income-related material deprivation. 2 Tenants of the ?Absolute Income? hypothesis for instance show that absolute income level of individual has positive impact on their health status (Preston, 1975; Deaton, 2003). Conversely, lack of income (and the poverty state it implies) leads unambiguously to poor health. For other authors, it is not the absolute level per se, but the relative level (i.e. comparably to others in the society) that impacts most health outcomes. This is the ?Relative Income? hypothesis (see van Doorslaer and Wagstaff, 2000, for a summary). 3 See Sen (1999) and more recently Marmot (2001) for more information. 4 Poverty could be seen as monetary poverty, human poverty, social poverty, etc. Identically, one talks of mental health, physical health, ?positive? and ?negative? health, etc. So a one-on-one causality could not possibly exits between the two, or will be hard to establish. We?ve chosen the first way of causality: that is, poverty (and inequality) causes poor health. As justification, we consider a life-cycle theory approach (Becker, 1962). An individual is born with a given stock of health. This stock is supposed to be adequate enough. During his life, this stock is submitted to depreciation due to health shocks and aging (Becker?s theory, 1962). We could think that the poorer you are, the more difficult is your capacity to invest in your health5. Empirically, many surveys (too numerous to be enumerated here) show that poor people6 do have worse health status (that is, high mortality and morbidity rates, poor access to health services, etc.). It has been established that poor children are less healthy worldwide, independently of the region or country considered. It is generally agreed that the best way to improve the health of the poor is through pro-poor growth policies and redistribution. Empirically, one of the major achievements of these last two decades in developing countries is the improvement in health status of populations (notably the drop in mortality rates and higher life expectations) following periods of (sustained) economic growth. However, is this relation always true? In some countries as we will see later in this thesis, while observing an improvement in the population?s welfare, the converse is observed in its health status, or vice versa. If health and poverty are so closely related, they should theoretically move in the same direction. But the fact that in some countries we observe opposite trends suggests that some dimensions of health and poverty are not or may not be indeed so closely related, as postulated, and that they may depend of other factors. 1. The Purpose of the Study. 5 Another justification is that many authors have studied the problem the other way. Schultz and Tansel (1992, 1997) for instance showed that ill-health causes a loss of revenues in rural Cote d?Ivoire. Audibert, Mathonnat et al. (2003) also showed that malaria caused a loss of earnings of rural cotton producers in Cote d?Ivoire. 6 Usually defined from some income or expenditure-related metric or some assets-based metric. The ultimate goal of our dissertation in its essence is to measure inequality in health7 in developing countries using mainly Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS, henceforth)8. It deals with interactions between poverty and one of its greatest dimensions, putting aside the income-related material deprivation, namely health. It therefore measures inequality in health status and access to health and discusses which policies should be implemented to correct these inequalities. That is, it aims to see how much rich people are better off and benefit from health interventions, as compared to the poor, and how to reduce such an inequality. The present dissertation contains four papers that are related to these questions. Our main hypothesis (that will be tested) is that poverty impacts health through inequality effects9. Graphically, we can lay these simple relationships as: The dashed line in the figure above suggests that income inequality could impact health directly. But we consider that this direct effect is rather small or negligible, as compared to the indirect effect through inequality in health. Therefore, inequality in health is central to our discussion. To measure inequalities in health, we face three challenges: 7 And corollary health sanitation (access to safe water, toilet and electricity). Though electricity is more a measure of economic development that health measure per se, we add it here as a control for sanitation and nutrition: for example women could read more carefully the drugs? notices, or warm more quickly foods; more generally, electricity often improves the mental and material wellbeing of households. It also conditions health facility?s performance. 8 And potentially other surveys. In this case, we mention explicitly the survey(s). 9 The other important factor that could impact health is the performance of the health system. This is discussed in the Chapter 3. Health Assets Inequality Health Inequality Poverty (Assets Index) - measuring welfare (income metric) and subsequently inequality in welfare, - measuring health, - and measuring inequality in health. The measurements can be conducted using two approaches (Sahn, 2003): - Directly by ranking the households or individuals vis-à-vis their performance in the health indicator; we thus have a direct measure of inequality in health. This is suitable when the health indicator is continuous (such as weight, height or body mass index). According to Prof. David E. Sahn, that approach ?which has been referred to as the univariate approach to measuring pure health inequality, involves making comparisons of cardinal or scalar indicators of health inequality and distributions of health, regardless of whether health is correlated with welfare measured along other dimensions?. - Indirectly by finding a scaling measure such as consumption or income or another indicator (assets index for instance)10 that would help ranking the households or individuals (from the poorest to the richest), and see what are their performance in the health variable of interest. We are therefore measuring an indirect health inequality. The indirect method is mostly suitable when the health indicator is dichotomous (for example whether the individual has got diarrhoea last 2 weeks, or ?have the child been vaccinated?, or ?place of delivery?) or is a rate (such as child mortality). Again, quoting Prof. Sahn, ?making comparisons of health across populations with different social and economic characteristics is often referred to in the literature as following the so-called `gradient? or `socioeconomic? approach to health inequality. Much of the motivation for this work on the gradient approach to health inequality arises out of fundamental concerns over social and economic justice. The roots of the gradient will often arise from various types of discrimination, prejudice, and other legal, social, and economic norms that may contribute to stratification and fragmentation, and subsequently inequality in access to material resources and various correlated welfare outcomes?. While the first method would appear quickly limited for dummy or limited categorical health variables because of the small variability in the population, the second approach could also be 10 Or more generally any other socioeconomic gradient such as education, gender or location. impossible when no information is available to scale the units of observation in terms of welfare. We?ll be mostly focusing on the second approach, as did many health economists, and also due to the nature of the DHS datasets in hand and the indicators that we are investigating. 2. Strategy, Methods and Structure. Measuring wealth-related inequality in health implies in the first stage defining and characterizing the poor. Who are indeed the poor? Traditionally, monetary measures (income or consumption) have been used to distinguish households or people into ?rich? and ?poor? classes. Indeed, it is agreed that the ?incomemetric? approach is one of the best ways to measure welfare11. However, it sometimes, if not often, happens that we lack this essential information in household survey datasets. Especially in our case, the DHS datasets do not have income nor consumption information. Then, how to characterize the poor in this situation? For a long time, economists have eluded the question. But soon, it became evident that an alternative measure is needed to strengthen the ?poverty debate?. In the first part of our dissertation, we start by providing a theoretical framework to find a proxy for wellbeing, in the case where consumption or income-related data are missing, namely by discussing the use of assets as such a proxy. The first part of this thesis is relatively long, as compared to the second. However, this is justified, due to its purpose. The goal of the first part of the dissertation is to participate to the research agenda on poverty. It attempts to measure it in a ?non traditional?12 way. 11 There is a consensus in the economic literature that income is more suitable to measure wealth or welfare in developed countries while consumption is more adequate for developing ones due to various reasons such as irregularity of incomes for informal sector, seasonality, prices, recall periods, trustworthy, etc. (see Deaton 1998 for detail). 12 i.e. a non monetary way. The main rationale for this first part therefore is thus to find a new, non monetary measure to characterize in best, life conditions, welfare and then the poor. This measure is referred to as the ?assets index?. Indeed, as the majority of developing countries are engaged more and more in fighting poverty, inequality and deprivation, more and more information on the state of poverty13 is needed. If in almost all these countries, many household surveys have been implemented to collect information on socioeconomic indicators, the major indicator that is needed to analyze poverty (namely income or consumption data) is unfortunately not often collected due to various reasons (time, cost, periodicity, etc.). Even, if they were collected, the quality of the data is often poor. Therefore, economists tend to rely more on other indicators to compensate for the absence of monetary measures. One of the indicators often used are the assets owned by households. The question arose then how to use these assets to characterize the poor in this context? How to weight each of them? In a first attempt, many economists built a simple linear index by assigning arbitrary weights to the assets14. In a seminal paper, Filmer and Pritchett (2001) propose to construct the so-called ?assets index? which could be used as a proxy for consumption or income. It is commonly agreed that their methodology follows a ?scientific? approach, thus is more credible. In their case, they use a Principal Component Analysis (PCA, henceforth) to build their assets index. Since, many other economists have followed in their footsteps which we label in our dissertation, the ?material? poverty approach (as opposed to the monetary one) since it is based on materials (goods and assets) owned by the households or individuals. Because of the importance of the subject (poverty) and because the method is pretty new and original, this first part of our thesis is as said quite long as compared to the second one and has two papers which focus mainly on poverty and inequality issues and their connections with economic growth. In this part, we start by presenting a methodology of measuring non monetary (material) poverty, when a consumption or income data is not available. We show how one can obtain robust results using assets or wealth variables. Once the method is clearly 13 And more generally welfare. 14 For example a television is given a weight of 100, a radio 50, and so on. But this is clearly not a `scientific? way to proceed, as there is no rational ground in giving such weights. tested and validated, it is then confronted to real data. We show that the index shares basically the same properties with monetary metrics and roughly scales households in the same way as does the consumption or income variables. We discuss the advantages and also the limitations of using the assets index. The important thing to bear in mind is that, once it is obtained, it could be used to rank the observational units by wealth or welfare level. - The first chapter defines in a first section poverty and how it is usually measured (by the income metric approach). We discuss the limitations of the use of income/expenditure and what could be alternative measures. We then propose in section 2 the assets metric as a proxy for poverty measurement and test the material poverty approach on international datasets collected by the DHS program. We explore the material poverty and inequality nexus in the world and how Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA)15 compares with other regions. We show, using that index and DHS data, that poverty, at least from an assets point of view, was also decreasing in SSA as well as in other regions of the world. This result contrasts with other findings such as Ravallion and Chen (2001) or Sala-i-Martin (2002) that show that, while other regions of the world are experiencing a decline in their (monetary) poverty rates, SSA is lagging behind, with rates starting to rise over the last decade. Therefore, two different measures of welfare could yield opposite results and messages in terms of policies to implement to combat poverty. Moreover, the method we use not only allows observing changes over time for each country, but also provides a natural ranking among countries (from the poorest to the richest). In this chapter, aside the measure of welfare and poverty, we also discuss in a final section the impact of demographic transition on economic growth and therefore on poverty. Indeed, demographic transition is a new phenomenon that is occurring in developing countries, especially African ones. Its negligence could lead to underestimating poverty measures (both material and monetary) by underestimating real economic growth rates. We show that changes in the composition and the size of households put an extra-pressure on the development process. While traditional authors have not considered the impact of these 15 SSA countries are Benin, Burkina Faso, Central African Republic, Cameroon, Chad, Comoros, Republic of Congo, Côte d?Ivoire, Ethiopia, Gabon, Ghana, Guinea, Kenya, Lesotho, Madagascar, Malawi, Mali, Mauritania, Mozambique, Namibia, Niger, Nigeria, Rwanda, Senegal, South Africa, Tanzania, Togo, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe. The ?rest of the world? is represented by Armenia, Bangladesh, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Dominican Republic, Egypt, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, India, Indonesia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyz Republic, Moldova, Morocco, Nepal, Nicaragua, Pakistan, Paraguay, Peru, Philippines, Turkey, Uzbekistan, Vietnam and Yemen. changes, we show that taking this into account implies higher economic growth rates than those actually observed or forecasted. - Once the assets index approach is established and tested on international data, the question arose how it performs as compared to the monetary metric. Indeed, if monetary measures remain the reference, then our assets index should share some common properties with them. The second chapter assesses the trends in material poverty in Ghana from the assets perspective using the Core Welfare Indicators Questionnaires Surveys (CWIQ). It then compared these trends with the monetary poverty over roughly the same period. We show that the assets index could be used and yields the same consistent results as using other welfare variable (such as income, consumption or expenditure). Therefore, using two consecutive CWIQ surveys, we find that material poverty in Ghana has decreased roughly by the same magnitude as monetary one, as found in other studies by other authors such as Coulombe and McKay (2007) using Ghanaian GLSS16 consumption data. Thus, this chapter could thus be viewed as providing the proof that the material and the monetary approaches could be equivalent. The second part of our dissertation seeks how to define and measure health and inequality in health. While the definition of health is not obvious, we propose to measure it with child mortality rates. Our main rationale in doing so is that low child mortality generates, ceteris paribus, higher life expectancy17, thus is an adequate measure of a population?s health. This may not be true in areas devastated by wars, famines, and HIV and other pandemics where child mortality could be high (in this case, the best measure should be life expectancy by age groups). Also, the reader should bear in mind that in fact, child mortality could be itself is a good indicator for measuring the (success of the) economic development level of a society as a whole (Sen, 1995), mainly because in developing countries, child mortality is highly correlated to factors linked to the level of development such as access to safe water, sanitation, vaccination coverage, access to health care, etc. - In the third chapter, we focus on measuring overall population?s health. For this, we estimate child mortality in SSA and compare it to the rest of the world. We explore the 16 Ghana Living Standard Surveys. 17 By construction, life expectancy at birth is highly correlated and sensitive to child mortality (it is based on child mortality rates for various cohorts). Lower child mortality rates lead to higher life expectancy and vice versa. determinants of child mortality using mainly a Weibull model and DHS data with socioeconomic variables18 as one of our major covariates. The use of the assets index information is to see how these quintiles behave in a multivariate regression framework of child mortality (i.e. how they affect child mortality). We find, among others, that mother?s education and access to health care and sanitation are one of the strongest predictors for child survival. Controlling for education and other factors, family?s wealth and the area of residency do not really matter for child survival in SSA, contrasting with results found elsewhere. - The fourth and last chapter answers the ultimate goal of this dissertation, that is, the scope of health inequalities in the developing world, particularly in SSA. It uses the factor analysis (FA) method of Chapter 1 to rank household according to their economic gradient status19 and then studies inequalities in various health indicators in relation with these groups. The intention is to analyze inequality rates between rich and poor for various health variables. In this chapter, we concentrate solely on inequality issues in health and health-related infrastructures and services. Mainly, we analyze inequality in access to sanitation infrastructures (water and electricity20) and various health status and access to health indicators (such as child death, child anthropometry, medically assisted delivery and vaccination coverage) using a Gini and Marginal Gini Income Elasticity approach (GIE and MGIE, henceforth) on one hand, and the Concentration Index (CI) approach on the other. Results show that, while almost all countries have made great efforts in improving coverage in, and access to, these indicators, almost all the gains have been captured by the better-offs of the society, especially in SSA. We extend the analysis to compare GIE estimates to those of CI and find consistent results yielding quite similar messages. 18 Quintiles groups derived from an assets index. 19 By grouping usually households in 5 quintiles from poorer to richer ones. 20 On the rationale of using electricity, see footnote 7 above. 3. Results and Policy Implications. As said above, the major goal in conducting this thesis research is to analyze inequality in health status, health care and health-related services using DHS data. To reach our objective, we follow two intermediate steps: - For assets poverty, results show that assets poverty and inequality are decreasing in every region of the world, including Sub-Saharan Africa. This tends to support our hypothesis that, contrary to common beliefs, African households use assets and building ownerships as saving tools and buffer to economic shocks. The first paper also shows however that the demographic transition actually occurring in developing countries could impede on economic growth and trigger a bullet on policies aiming at combating poverty. - Our third paper shows that child mortality is decreasing in all parts the world. However, the 1990s and early 2000s have been a lost decade for the African continent where many countries have witnessed an increase in rates that is mostly attributable among other factors to the economic and financial turmoils of the 1990s and early 2000s and the HIV epidemic. Our hypothesis is that these phenomena have destabilized the organization of the health care system, cut its funding and hampered its performance. High levels of health inequality can also be part of the puzzle. Coming back to the particular case of HIV/AIDS, the reader should observe that it affects more and more the less poor so that it can also lead to a decline in assets inequality (richer people are dying) along with an increase in child mortality and thus explain in great part our paradox. This setback (the rise in mortality over recent periods despite poverty reduction) will make impossible for these countries to reach the millennium development goals, at least for child mortality. The conclusion to this is that African population?s health has been stagnant over the period 1990-2005. Regression analysis reveals no strong correlation between our measure of welfare (assets index) and child mortality. More important are mothers? education and access to health care and sanitation services. - Finally, our inequality estimates show that they are quite high for all indicators considered. For ill-health indicators (child malnutrition and death), rates are excessively concentrated in poor and rural groups. Concerning access to health care services, rich and urban groups tend to be more favoured than poor and urban ones. But the high level of inequality tends to be reducing at the margin over time, as the poor have increasing access. Finally for access to sanitation services, results show that while the majority of countries have made substantial efforts to increase coverage on the first two periods, the rich and urban classes have benefited more and inequality (which is at high levels) tends to rise at the margin over time, especially for the poor. More preoccupying is the fact that rates are falling between 1995-2000 and 2000-2005, probably because of the privatization of these services and the new costs they impose on households. Overall, inequality in all variables considered is more pronounced in SSA than the rest of the world (expect for death and malnutrition). The sub-continent is still disadvantaged in terms of access to services or ill-health. Where to go from here? In the African sub-continent, we have the following picture: a decreasing (material) poverty and inequality but coupled with a stagnant child mortality situation, a stagnant or increasing malnutrition. This is mostly due to high levels of, and an increasing inequality at the margin in access to sanitation and electricity services coupled with a decreasing access to these services. Thus, despite the fact that we observe a decreasing inequality at the margin in access to health care (even though the average level of inequality is still high) the missing link in health-related services coupled with an overall high inequality in these two types of services hugely impact child health and survival. Therefore, as access to health care services and health-related sanitation services is essential to child survival, our findings call for vigorous policies to promote access of the poor groups and rural areas to these services. African Governments should continue to favour access of the poor to health care and reverse the inequality trends in access to water, sanitation and electricity. This is vital for the health of the population and for the development of Africa. Funding can come from various sources: the Government Budget, International Assistance but also from households themselves (since the first part of our thesis has demonstrated that they are getting richer (and various surveys show that they are willing to pay for quality health care), an adequate fees policy could benefit to the health care system). Measures should be put in place to strengthen the performance of the health system and to mitigate the negative effects of macroeconomic imbalances, economic crises and HIV/AIDS. Only on these conditions the Sub-Continent could hope to eradicate poverty and promote health for all. 4. Contribution of this Thesis. This thesis seeks to analyze empirically the inequality in health and access to health in SSA and how this region compared to the rest of the world. To do so, it develops a new method to characterize poor households and to analyze assets-based poverty, when the monetary measure is unavailable. Such a method is indeed necessary as almost all developing countries have collected many surveys that lack the consumption or income information. Once a poverty measure and a correct measure of health have been found, and their core determinants clearly established, we then proceed to the health inequality analysis, along with its determinants, using two methodologies: the traditional CI and the more recent GIE approaches. These approaches have been the mostly used to explore the inequality in health and access to health these last years. Though already studied in the literature, and sometimes applied on DHS or some groups of DHS datasets, our dissertation differs in its purpose and scope and its large scale. No paper to our knowledge used the totally to-date freely available DHS datasets to study poverty and inequality topics and provide basic statistics. Our main contribution is to shed a new light on the welfare-inequality-health nexus in Africa, how it evolves over time and how it compares to other regions around the world, using all available information. It also put numbers on various important socioeconomic indicators such as poverty, inequality, child health and mortality, access to health-related infrastructures, etc., for developing countries, especially African ones. As we sometimes lack these important information, this thesis proves finally to be a very useful exercise. ; Cette thèse part d'un postulat simple : « l'amélioration du niveau de vie s'accompagne de l'amélioration de l'état de santé générale d'une population » et teste sa validité dans le contexte de l'Afrique au Sud du Sahara (ASS). Si cette hypothèse se vérifie en général dans le contexte de l'ASS en ce qui concerne le niveau (plus le pays est riche, plus sa population est en bonne santé), il l'est moins en ce qui concerne les dynamiques, du moins à court et moyen terme. Notamment, les pays qui connaissent une amélioration tendancielle de bien-être matériel ne connaissent pas forcément une amélioration de la santé de leurs populations. Ceci constitue un paradoxe qui viendrait invalider notre postulat. En écartant tout effet de retard ou de rattrapage qui pourrait l'expliquer car nous travaillons sur une période de 15 ans réparties en 3 sous-périodes (1990-1995, 1995-2000 et 2000-2005), nous expliquons ce paradoxe, toutes choses égales par ailleurs, par deux canaux principaux qui peuvent interagir : - la performance du système de santé et - l'inégalité en santé. Si le premier est plus évident mais aussi plus difficile à prouver empiriquement du fait du manque de données sur des séries longues, ou du fait que ces données sont trop agrégées et éparses, le second canal est testable avec des bases de données adéquates qui, elles, sont disponibles au niveau microéconomique (ménages). Les bases de données que nous avons privilégiées sont les Enquêtes Démographiques et de Santé (EDS) du fait de leur comparabilité dans l'espace et le temps (mêmes noms de variables standardisées, même méthodologie d'enquête, mêmes modules, etc.). Ces atouts sont d'autant plus importants que les comparaisons de pauvreté et de bien-être basées sur les enquêtes de revenus ou de consommation butent sur de sérieux problèmes à savoir la comparabilité de ces enquêtes (méthodologies différentes, périodes de rappel différents, prix souvent non collectés de la même manière, etc.). Pour montrer ces effets de l'inégalité de santé sur les niveaux et les tendances de la santé des populations et la pauvreté et le bien-être, nous avons axé notre recherche autour de 3 axes principaux : 1- Comment mesurer le niveau de richesse et donc le bien-être des ménages en l'absence d'information sur la consommation et le revenu ? Les chapitres 1 et 2 de notre thèse se penchent sur cette question. Nous avons privilégié, à l'instar de plus en plus d'économistes, l'utilisation des biens des ménages et les méthodes de l'analyse factorielle et d'analyse en composantes principales pour construire un indice de richesse. Cet indice de richesse est pris comme un substitut du revenu ou de la consommation et sert donc de proxy pour la mesure du bien-être. Bien qu'il comporte quelques lacunes (notamment le fait qu'il ne concerne que les biens matériels et durables du ménage alors que la consommation ou le revenu sont des concepts plus globaux de bien-être, il ne prend pas en compte les préférences des ménages, il ne comporte aucune notion de valeur car le prix n'est pas pris en compte, de telle façon qu'une petite télévision en noir blanc vieille de vingt ans est mise au même niveau qu'un grand écran plasma flambant neuf, etc.), il n'en demeure pas moins que d'un côté, avec les EDS, il n'y a pas moyen de faire autrement en l'état actuel des choses, mais aussi et surtout parce que ces données permettent d'éviter les problèmes évoqués plus haut, notamment celui de la comparabilité des données pour faire de la comparaison spatiale et inter-temporelle des données en matière de pauvreté. Dans le premier chapitre, en nous basant sur cet indice et une ligne de pauvreté définie a priori à 60% pour la première observation dans notre échantillon (Benin, 1996), et en utilisant les données EDS et une analyse en composantes principales (ACP), nous avons pu mesurer la tendance de la pauvreté dite « matérielle » (en opposition à la pauvreté monétaire, basée sur la métrique monétaire). Cette méthode qui est privilégiée par des auteurs comme Sahn et Stifel est d'autant plus intéressante qu'elle donne non seulement les tendances de la pauvreté dans chaque pays, mais elle permet aussi une classification naturelle de ces pays par ordre de grandeur de pauvreté. Cependant, dans la mesure où les biens des ménages et la dépenses de consommation sont disponibles, l'analyste devrait estimer les deux types de pauvreté (matérielle via l'indice de richesse et monétaire via le revenu ou la consommation) car les études montrent souvent que les biens matériels et la consommation ou le revenu ne sont pas très bien corrélés, et donc le choix de l'indicateur de bien-être est crucial en termes de politiques économique et de santé. En effet, si l'indicateur sous-estime le vrai niveau de pauvreté ou d'inégalité (ou les surestime), les dépenses publiques qui en résultent peuvent être plus ou moins surévaluées, de même que les réponses apportées se révéler inadéquates. Donc dans la mesure du possible, il conviendrait de se pencher sur la question du choix de l'indicateur. Les résultats de notre méthodologie montrent que l'ASS reste la région la plus pauvre du monde en termes de possession d'actifs. La région orientale de l'ASS est la plus pauvre au monde (75%) suivie de l'Asie du Sud (64%), le Sud de l'ASS (61%), l'Afrique Centrale (57%), l'Afrique de l'Ouest (55%), l'Asie de l'Ouest (40%), l'Asie du Sud-Est (19%), l'Amérique Latine (18%), les Caraïbes (17%), l'Afrique du Nord (6%), l'Asie Centrale (2%) et l'Europe de l'Est (1%). Notre analyse nous montre que la pauvreté baisse dans l'ensemble des pays Africains au Sud du Sahara (sauf la Zambie), à l'instar des autres pays du monde dans l'échantillon. En effet, en considérant les trends, nous voyons que la moyenne de l'ASS passe de 63% de pauvreté matérielle entre 1990-1995 à 62% en 1995-2000 et 58% entre 2000 et 2005. La baisse est modeste et lente mais non négligeable et surtout, elle est en accélération sur les 2 dernières périodes. Mais elle demeure toutefois beaucoup plus marquée dans le reste du monde. Concomitamment à la baisse de la pauvreté, nous observons aussi une baisse de l'inégalité. Nous terminons ce chapitre par une réflexion sur l'effet de la transition démographique sur la croissance économique et la pauvreté en ASS et dans les autres pays en développement. En effet, la chute de la fertilité et de la mortalité couplées à un exode rural font que le nombre de famille se démultiplie du fait de la transition vers des tailles plus réduites. Ceci impose plus de contraintes (et donc peut avoir un impact négatif) sur la croissance économique et risque de sous-estimer le niveau réel de pauvreté. Il convient, une fois que la pauvreté matérielle et ses tendances ont été bien calculées avec les biens durables (et la transition économique prise si possible en compte), de tester la validité de cette méthode en la confrontant avec les résultats issus de l'analyse monétaire de la pauvreté. Les EDS ne comportant pas données d'information sur la consommation, nous nous sommes tournés vers une autre source de données. Dans le chapitre 2, nous avons testé la robustesse de notre méthode dans le cas particulier du Ghana, en utilisant les enquêtes du Questionnaire Unifié sur les Indicateurs de Base de Bienêtre (QUIBB), et en confrontant les résultats issus de la méthode ACP avec ceux issus de la méthode traditionnelle monétaire et trouvons grosso modo les mêmes résultats (10% de baisse avec la méthode monétaire traditionnelle et 7% avec notre méthode sur la période 1997- 2003). Ceci valide donc le fait que la méthode que nous proposons (à savoir, mesurer le bienêtre et la pauvreté par les biens durables des ménages) est tout aussi valide que la méthode plus traditionnelle utilisant des métriques monétaires. Une analyse fine dans le cas du Ghana montre que la baisse de la pauvreté est due à une croissance économique particulièrement pro-pauvre mais aussi à des dynamiques intra et intersectorielles (réallocation des gens des secteurs moins productifs vers ceux plus productifs) et aussi une forte migration des campagnes vers les villes. Nos simulations montrent que les migrants ruraux ont aussi bénéficié de cette croissance dans les villes où ils trouvent plus d'opportunités. 2- Une fois établie que la pauvreté est en recul en ASS, nous avons voulu mesurer la tendance de la santé de sa population (approximée par les taux de mortalité infantile et infanto-juvénile). Nous discutons dans le chapitre 3 de trois méthodes pour estimer et comparer les taux de mortalité des enfants : - la méthode des cohortes fictives (sur laquelle l'équipe de l'EDS se base pour estimer les taux « officiels » de mortalité), - la méthode non paramétrique (Kaplan et Meier) que privilégient un certain nombre d'économistes et - la méthode paramétrique (Weibull) de plus en plus utilisée pour sa souplesse et sa robustesse. Les deux premières méthodes ont tendance à sous-estimer le vrai niveau de mortalité et de ce fait nous avons privilégié le Weibull. De plus, avec cette dernière, nous pouvons évaluer l'effet de chaque variable spécifique (comme l'éducation ou l'accès à l'eau) sur le niveau de mortalité. Une étude des déterminants de cette mortalité montre qu'outre l'effet attendu de l'éducation des mères, l'accès aux infrastructures de santé (soins médicaux et surtout prénataux durant et lors de l'accouchement) et sanitaires (accès aux toilettes et dans une moindre mesure à l'eau potable) en sont les principaux facteurs. L'effet de richesse joue peu en ASS (mais pas dans le reste du monde), une fois que nous contrôlons pour le lieu de résidence (urbain) et le niveau d'éducation. Ce résultat nous surprend quelque peu, même s'il a été trouvé dans d'autres études. Ensuite, nous avons calculé la mortalité prédite des enfants. De toutes les régions du monde, l'ASS a le niveau de mortalité le plus élevé (par exemple en moyenne 107 décès pour la mortalité infantile contre 51 pour le reste du monde, soit plus du double). Ce résultat était toutefois attendu. Par contre nous avons été quelque peu surpris en ce qui concerne les tendances. Le constat est que sur les 15 ans, la mortalité des enfants a très peu ou pas du tout baissé dans le sous-continent africain (et est même en augmentation dans certains pays, alors qu'ils enregistrent une baisse de la pauvreté matérielle sur la même période). En moyenne, considérant les enfants de moins d'un an, les taux sont passés de 95%o à 89.5%o pour remonter à 91.5%o pour les 3 périodes 1990-1195, 1995-2000 et 2000-2005. Ainsi sur 15 ans, la mortalité infantile n'a baissé que de 3 points et demie en moyenne et surtout, elle remonte sur la période 1995-2005. Un examen des taux de malnutrition des enfants confirme ces tendances. On pourrait dire que ces résultats sont plutôt encourageants et normaux si on fait une analyse d'ensemble du sous-continent. En effet pour l'ensemble de l'ASS, cette légère baisse semble en conformité avec la baisse de 5 points des taux de pauvreté matérielle (63% en 1990-1995 à 58% en 2000-2005). Mais l'ordre de grandeur est faible en termes de magnitude, et surtout si compare au reste du monde où on observe une baisse de la mortalité beaucoup plus conséquente. Mais c'est l'arbre qui cache la forêt. Une analyse plus fine par pays montre en effet une situation plus contrastée. Notre postulat de départ nous dit que sur une période suffisamment longue, une amélioration de bien-être s'accompagne d'une amélioration de la santé. Or on constate que certains pays qui connaissent une baisse de la pauvreté matérielle connaissent également une recrudescence de la mortalité des enfants. Pour une même année, ce résultat peut être normal, traduisant un simple décalage pour que l'amélioration de bien-être se traduise par un meilleur état de santé de la population. Mais à moyen terme (période de 5 ans), nous observons la même absence d'effet. Nous sommes donc face à un paradoxe qu'il nous faut comprendre et tenter d'expliquer. Une des pistes pour comprendre ces résultats est d'analyser la performance des systèmes de santé en Afrique. Les facteurs qui expliquent notamment cette performance sont : des facteurs « classiques » comme la performance économique des périodes passées, les montants et l'allocation des dépenses de santé, l'organisation des systèmes de santé, la baisse de la fourniture de services de soins de santé (vaccination, assistance à la naissance, soins prénataux, soins curatifs, .), la malnutrition, le SIDA, les guerres, la fuite des cerveaux notamment du personnel médical, etc., à côté de facteurs plus « subtils » ou ténus car moins saisissables comme les crises financières des années 1990s qui ont plombé certaines des économies de la sous-région, la qualité des soins, la corruption et les dessous-de-table, l'instabilité de la croissance économique (même si elle est positive), etc. La seconde voie que nous examinons pour expliquer le manque de résultat en santé dans certains pays concerne l'inégalité en santé et ceci fait l'objet de notre dernier chapitre. 3- Expliquer l'absence de lien entre santé et pauvreté dans certains pays de l'ASS : l'effet de l'inégalité en santé. Dans le chapitre 4, nous émettons l'hypothèse que le fort niveau d'inégalité dans l'accès aux services de santé et d'assainissement couplé à la faible performance du système de santé (avec en toile de fond l'impact du Sida) peuvent servir à expliquer en partie notre paradoxe. Nous considérons deux types de services : - soins de santé (vaccination, assistance médicale à la naissance et traitement médical de la diarrhée) et - hygiène et assainissement (accès à l'eau potable et à l'électricité, accès aux toilettes propres). Le choix de ces services est motivé par le fait que le modèle Weibull dans le chapitre 3 nous montre que toutes choses égales par ailleurs, ils sont cruciaux pour la survie des enfants, en particulier en Afrique. Les niveaux d'accès montrent une baisse tendancielle des taux pour les services de santé (surtout pour la vaccination) et une légère augmentation de l'accès à l'électricité et dans une moindre mesure à l'eau potable. L'accès aux toilettes propres demeure un luxe réservé à une petite fraction de la population. Pour les calculs d'inégalité, nous considérons deux indicateurs: - l'indice de concentration (pour mesurer le niveau moyen d'inégalité) - et l'élasticité-revenu du Gini (inégalité « à la marge » quand le revenu d'un individu ou d'un groupe augmente d'un point de pourcentage). Globalement, les pays d'ASS ont un niveau d'inégalité beaucoup plus élevé comme on s'y attendait par rapport au reste du monde. Pour les tendances, nous remarquons que l'inégalité marginale s'accroît pour les services d'assainissement (eau, toilette et électricité), mais qu'elle diminue pour les soins de santé. En ce qui concerne l'inégalité moyenne, elle indique une disproportion dans l'accès des classes riches par rapport à celles pauvres. Même si les groupes pauvres « rattrapent » ceux riches dans la provision de certains services, cela se fait de façon trop lente. De fait, le haut niveau d'inégalité couplé à une recrudescence de cette inégalité à la marge pour certains services tendent à annihiler les effets positifs de la croissance économique et de la réduction de la pauvreté et maintiendraient la mortalité, la malnutrition et la morbidité des enfants en Afrique à des niveaux relativement élevés et plus particulièrement concentrées dans les groupes les plus pauvres. Tout ceci appelle à des politiques économiques, sociales et sanitaires pour renverser fortement les tendances de la mortalité des enfants. En particulier, nos résultats suggèrent qu'il faudrait que les pays Africains puissent entre autres : - accroître les services de soins de santé, notamment les soins préventifs comme les services essentiels à la santé de l'enfant dès sa naissance (vaccination, services prénataux et assistance à la naissance), les soins curatifs et les campagnes de sensibilisation. - renverser la tendance baissière dans la provision des services sanitaires (eau, électricité, environnement et assainissement, prise en charge des déchets, etc.). - améliorer la nutrition et l'environnement immédiat de ces enfants et les comportements des ménages (espacement des naissances, éducation des mères en matière de santé, etc.). - plus généralement comme le montrent d'autres études, il faudrait aussi améliorer la performance globale de leur système de santé en empêchant la fuite des cerveaux, en allouant un budget suffisant à la santé, en organisant mieux les différents organes, de même que les ciblages des politiques de santé, en empêchant la corruption, en améliorant la qualité (accueil, propreté des centres de soins, etc.), en équipant les centres en médicaments, vaccins, moyens de transport et de communication, etc. Intégrer si possible les systèmes plus traditionnels de soins (comme les matrones et les guérisseurs) et le secteur privé, de même qu'une meilleure organisation du système pharmaceutique. Ces politiques constituent un tout et doivent être mise en oeuvre rapidement, ou renforcées le cas échéant. A cette seule condition les pays Africains pourraient espérer rattraper leur retard dans les Objectifs du Millénaire.

The report starts with an overview of poverty and inequality estimates in chapter one, focusing on the trends in poverty and the distributional pattern of growth between 2002-3 and 2012-13. Chapter two then provides a description of the poverty profile by geographical and household characteristics, both in terms of the levels of poverty and its rate of change. Consumption patterns are presented in chapter three, and other socio-economic characteristics describing the living conditions of households are presented in chapter four, which is then followed by a chapter detailing the conclusions that can be drawn from this initial poverty profile analysis. The annexes provide additional detail. Annex one provides a detailed technical explanation of the methodology for measuring poverty while annex two presents sensitivity analysis for the poverty estimates including the confidence intervals of these estimates. Annex three provides additional tables and figures on poverty and inequality including other measures of poverty.

Introducción: Esta investigación aborda la problemática de la intervención de los territorios y la consecuente degradación de sus ecosistemas, desde la perspectiva de la Bioética Ambiental sugerida por Potter (1988). Analiza las acciones humanas, calificadas como depredadoras de los entornos naturales y sus consiguientes dilemas éticos, en el contexto del ecosistema denominado Sabana de Bogotá. La convivencia con el territorio genera los factores necesarios para la sobrevivencia de una sociedad, pero también, determina los vectores culturales que inciden en su degradación ambiental. Ante tal circunstancia, la visión de una Bioética Ambiental sugiere unos comportamientos humanos que superen el antropocentrismo y acojan el ecocentrismo. Propósito de la investigación: Establecer los postulados de una bioética ambiental que permitan una interpretación de la crisis ambiental, en un contexto general, y que puedan asociarse con las políticas públicas orientadas a la convivencia con el territorio de la Sabana de Bogotá, en particular. Metodología: Revisión documental, en perspectiva hermenéutica y aplicación de entrevistas en profundidad, con enfoque cualitativo, desde las categorías: bioética ambiental; crisis ambiental; ordenamiento territorial; degradación del ambiente; sobrevivencia humana; ecosistema y desarrollo sostenible. Además, la consulta de los planes de ordenamiento territorial-POT de la región de la Sabana de Bogotá, en el periodo 2000-2017, como contexto de interacción entre la política pública ambiental, el territorio y el comportamiento humano. Resultados: Desde la interpretación de la Bioética Ambiental, los territorios en donde convive el ser humano con los otros seres de la naturaleza, humanos y no humanos, sufren el impacto de la degradación ambiental, por causas originadas en la ética individualista antropocéntrica, que derivan en acciones económicas empresariales que desconocen los ritmos naturales y decisiones de los organismos políticos que propician conflictos de intereses ambientales. Ello se evidencia en el ecosistema de la Sabana de Bogotá donde se presenta una intervención antrópica que genera afectaciones a la estructura ecológica principal y propicia inequidades en el acceso a los recursos ambientales del territorio. Conclusiones: La convivencia del ser humano con el territorio que habita, genera procesos de degradación ambiental, asociados a la ética hegemónica individualista, que inspira las prácticas de apropiación de los recursos naturales y la negación de los valores intrínsecos de la naturaleza. Tal dinámica se puede verificar en la convivencia del habitante de la Sabana de Bogotá con dicho territorio; ecosistema degradado por la sobrecarga de las prácticas urbanísticas intensivas. Es posible, entonces, la incorporación de una perspectiva bioética ambiental, en las decisiones de las personas que intervienen en la política pública ambiental y en la generación de actividades empresariales, como vía para recomponer la convivencia con el territorio. ; Resumen 8 Introducción 9 Objetivos 17 Metodología 18 Capítulo 1: Fundamentación de la Bioética Ambiental 29 1.1 La Bioética ambiental en la visión de Potter 33 1.1.1 Revisión de los temas desarrollados en la Bioética Global 33 1.1.1.1 Definiendo la Bioética Global 38 1.1.1.2 Al encuentro de la Bioética Ambiental 40 1.1.2 El legado de Aldo Leopold 44 1.1.3 La ruta del antropocentrismo al ecocentrismo 47 1.1.4 La ampliación de los límites de la moral: la naturaleza como sujeto de derechos 50 1.2 Fritz Jahr: relación ética de los seres humanos con los animales y las plantas 57 1.3 La bioética ambiental en visiones posteriores a Potter. Una mirada latinoamericana 59 1.4 Consideraciones finales sobre el capítulo 1 75 Capítulo 2: La Ruta Ambiental en la Bioética 78 2.1 Enfoques ambientales de la bioética 79 2.1.1 El espíritu ambientalista de la bioética 80 2.1.2 La bioética es ambientalista por naturaleza, no requiere apelativos 83 2.1.3 Perspectiva interdisciplinaria de la bioética 84 2.1.4 Los principios de precaución y responsabilidad en el cuidado del ambiente 86 2.1.5 La bioética ambiental en diálogo con la biopolítica 87 2.2 La bioética en la encrucijada de la economía y la política pública 90 2.3 Consideraciones finales sobre el capítulo 2 93 Capítulo 3: La Crisis Ambiental y la Vida en el Planeta 98 3.1 La degradación del ambiente 99 3.2 La conciencia ambiental 102 3.3 Sobrevivencia humana y ecosistemas intervenidos 106 3.4 El comportamiento humano ante la naturaleza 110 3.5 Consideraciones finales sobre el capítulo 3 115 Capítulo 4: La convivencia con el territorio 119 4.1 La vida humana en el territorio 121 4.2 El Plan de Ordenamiento Territorial 123 4.2.1 Ordenamiento territorial y cultura 125 4.2.2 Ordenamiento territorial y equidad 126 4.3 Estilo de vida de hoy y las futuras generaciones 128 4.4 Uso sostenible de los ecosistemas 131 4.5 Ordenamiento territorial de la Sabana de Bogotá 135 4.5.1 El ecosistema Sabana de Bogotá 136 4.5.2 Los Planes de Ordenamiento Territorial 137 4.5.2.1 Componentes del POT 139 4.5.2.2 Las determinantes del ordenamiento territorial 139 4.5.3 Análisis sobre la implementación del ordenamiento territorial 141 4.5.4 Análisis de la dimensión ambiental en los POT de la Sabana de Bogotá 144 4.5.5 La protección por orden judicial del río Bogotá 156 4.6 Consideraciones finales sobre el capítulo 4 158 Capítulo 5: Bioética Ambiental y Desarrollo Sostenible en el Territorio 165 5.1 La política pública ambiental 166 5.2 La gestión integral de la biodiversidad 169 5.3 Desarrollo sostenible e inequidad en el acceso a los servicios ecosistémicos 172 5.4 Los retos del desarrollo sostenible en el territorio 175 5.4 Consideraciones finales sobre el capítulo 5 177 Capítulo 6: Los postulados Ambientales de la Bioética 179 6.1 La defensa de la vida y sus especies 183 6.2 Personas sanas y ecosistemas sanos sin sobrepoblación 186 6.3 Normas ambientales para la protección de las ciudades y los bosques 190 6.4 Producir para vivir bien y vivir para cuidar el territorio 194 Conclusiones 196 Referencias 203 Anexo 1 212 Anexo 2 214 ; Introduction: This research addresses the problems of the intervention of the territories and the consequent degradation of their ecosystems, from the perspective of Environmental Bioethics suggested by Potter (1988). Analyzes human actions, classified as predators of natural environments and their consequent ethical dilemmas, in the context of the ecosystem called Sabana de Bogotá. Coexistence with the territory generates the necessary factors for the survival of a society, but also determines the cultural vectors that affect its environmental degradation. In such a circumstance, the vision of Environmental Bioethics suggests human behaviors that overcome anthropocentrism and embrace ecocentrism. Purpose of the research: To establish the postulates of an environmental bioethics that allow an interpretation of the environmental crisis, in a general context, and that can be associated with public policies aimed at coexistence with the territory of the Sabana de Bogotá, in particular. Methodology: Documentary review, from a hermeneutic perspective and application of in-depth interviews, with a qualitative approach, from the categories: environmental bioethics; Environmental crisis; territorial ordering; environmental degradation; human survival; ecosystem and sustainable development. In addition, the consultation of the territorial planning plans-POT of the Sabana de Bogotá region, in the period 2000-2017, as a context of interaction between environmental public policy, the territory and human behavior. Results: From the interpretation of Environmental Bioethics, the territories where the human being coexists with other beings of nature, human and non-human, suffer the impact of environmental degradation, for causes originating in anthropocentric individualistic ethics, which derive in business economic actions that are unaware of the natural rhythms and decisions of political organizations that promote environmental conflicts of interest. This is evident in the Bogotá Sabana ecosystem where an anthropic intervention is presented that generates damages to the main ecological structure and fosters inequities in access to the environmental resources of the territory. Conclusions: The coexistence of the human being with the territory they inhabit generates processes of environmental degradation, associated with the individualistic hegemonic ethic, which inspires the practices of appropriation of natural resources and the denial of the intrinsic values of nature. Such dynamics can be verified in the coexistence of the inhabitant of the Bogotá Savannah with said territory; ecosystem degraded by the overload of intensive urban practices. It is possible, then, the incorporation of an environmental bioethics perspective, in the decisions of the people who intervene in environmental public policy and in the generation of business activities, as a way to rebuild coexistence with the territory. ; Doctorado ; Introdução: Esta pesquisa aborda os problemas da intervenção dos territórios e a consequente degradação de seus ecossistemas, na perspectiva da Bioética Ambiental sugerida por Potter (1988). Analisa as ações humanas, classificadas como predadoras de ambientes naturais e seus consequentes dilemas éticos, no contexto do ecossistema chamado Sabana de Bogotá. A convivência com o território gera os fatores necessários para a sobrevivência de uma sociedade, mas também determina os vetores culturais que afetam sua degradação ambiental. Em tal circunstância, a visão da Bioética Ambiental sugere comportamentos humanos que superam o antropocentrismo e abraçam o ecocentrismo. Objetivo da pesquisa: Estabelecer os postulados de uma bioética ambiental que permita uma interpretação da crise ambiental, em um contexto geral, e que possa ser associada a políticas públicas voltadas à convivência com o território da Sabana de Bogotá, em particular. Metodologia: Revisão documental, sob uma perspectiva hermenêutica e aplicação de entrevistas em profundidade, com abordagem qualitativa, das categorias: bioética ambiental; Crise ambiental; ordenamento territorial; degradação ambiental; sobrevivência humana; ecossistema e desenvolvimento sustentável. Além disso, a consulta dos planos de planejamento territorial-POT da região de Sabana de Bogotá, no período de 2000 a 2017, como contexto de interação entre políticas públicas ambientais, território e comportamento humano. Resultados: a partir da interpretação da Bioética Ambiental, os territórios em que o ser humano convive com outros seres da natureza, humanos e não humanos, sofrem o impacto da degradação ambiental, por causas originárias da ética individualista antropocêntrica, que derivam nas ações econômicas empresariais que desconhecem os ritmos e decisões naturais das organizações políticas que promovem conflitos de interesses ambientais. Isso é evidenciado no ecossistema da savana de Bogotá, onde é apresentada uma intervenção antrópica que gera danos à principal estrutura ecológica e promove desigualdades no acesso aos recursos ambientais do território. Conclusões: A coexistência do ser humano com o território em que habita gera processos de degradação ambiental, associados à ética hegemônica individualista, que inspira as práticas de apropriação dos recursos naturais e a negação dos valores intrínsecos da natureza. Essa dinâmica pode ser verificada na coexistência do habitante da savana de Bogotá com o referido território; ecossistema degradado pela sobrecarga de práticas urbanas intensivas. É possível, então, a incorporação de uma perspectiva de bioética ambiental nas decisões das pessoas que intervêm nas políticas públicas ambientais e na geração de atividades empresariais, como forma de reconstruir a convivência com o território.

As Andrzej Mencwel observed, "as a result of fundamental historical changes" the need arises for "restructuring of the whole present memory and tradition system" (Rodzinna Europa po raz pierwszy). Changes of such significance took place in Poland during the Second World War and several following decades. Collective experience of that time was made up of – apart from political antagonisms – social and cultural phenomena such as change of elites, reinterpretation of their grand narratives (or symbolic world), the ultimate inclusion of the masses into the national project based on the post-gentry tradition and national history, the intensive development of urban lifestyle and the expansion of popular culture, industrialization and the process of forming a single-nationality state that diverted from the politics of domination over eastern neighbors and, instead, focused on developing the so-called Polish Western and Northern Lands. Tadeusz Różewicz's work referred to these experiences on both the intellectual and biographical level. Comparing Juliusz Mieroszewski's political journalism with Tadeusz Różewicz's works, Andrzej Mencwel stressed its unique relationship of the author of Niepokój. According to him, both writers were writing as though "they had truly experienced the end of the world" (Przedwiośnie czy potop. Studium postaw polskich w XX wieku). In the afterword to the German anthology of Różewicz's works, Karl Dedecius mentioned "Stunde Null" ("hour zero") as the founding experience of his writing. It was this experience that induced him to undertake the challenge of attempting a new collective and national as well as individual self-identification, searching for a radically new way of thinking and writing about man, and verifying the essential components of his identity. Andrzej Walicki called this urge "the catastrophism after a catastrophe", explaining that "once the catastrophe took place, a ca- tastrophist acknowledging its inevitability must think about 'a new beginning', about determining his own place in a new world" (Zniewolony umysł po latach). Hanna Gosk specifies that "it gave rise to situations when the necessity of discovering one's place in new geographical, social, axiological and world-view-related environment urged self-identification" (Bohater swoich czasów. Postać literacka w powojennej prozie polskiej o tematyce współczesnej). It must be stressed that the need for re-establishing the sense of identity, resulting from a major crisis, was by no means limited to the postwar artistic and political elites. On the contrary, due to social changes and democratization of the access to national culture, it concerned more than ever in the past the "everyman" who did not belong to one class solely: the intelligentsia, bourgeoisie, peasantry, or proletariat but, most often, represented multiple social rooting. Tadeusz Różewicz, alongside with writers such as Tadeusz Borowski, Marek Hłasko or Miron Białoszewski, made the "Polish everyman" (Tadeusz Drewnowski) the central figure of his work. This study discusses the modern identity of an individual in Poland in two variants: a cultured man with traditions and an ordinary, transitional, temporal, or "new", man. By adopting the narrativist approach, identity can be described through its articulations in culture, for example in literary texts. Analyzing methods of modern identification and self-awareness throughout this book, I try to prove that prose works of the author of Śmierć w starych dekoracjach present an extensive, interesting and diverse material in the matter. When necessary, I refer also to his dramatic works and poetry, especially to some longer poems published after 1989. The author's most important prose works have so far been written in the first 30-year period starting from his debut volume of partisan novellas, notes and humorous sketches Echa leśne mimeographed in 1944. While focusing on this period, I also analyze later works published in collections Nasz starszy brat and Matka odchodzi published in the last decade of the 20th century, although written at an earlier date. Różewicz's prose works analyzed here were published predominantly in the threevolume edition of Utwory zebrane in 2003/2004, in the reportage collection entitled Kartki z Węgier (1953) as well as in the collection of newspapers features, letters and notes – written in the 60s. and 70s. in most cases – entitled Margines, ale… (2010). I also make use of the earlier editions of his works, containing prose works not included in Utwory zebrane, for example, from the volume Opadły liście z drzew, as well as of some narratives published in journals and anthologies. Conversations with the writer published in Wbrew sobie. Rozmowy z Tadeuszem Różewiczem (2011) and his letters to Jerzy and Zofia Nowosielscy included in Korespondencja comprise an auxiliary material. What specifically draws my attention in Tadeusz Różewicz's prose? I read his works in the context of identity narratives manifest in culture and historical-biographical stories. The questions then arise about their formative influence on an individual: what within them presents a reference for the "self " seeking identification? When and how does individual experience take on an intersubjective meaning? Under what circumstances is it expressed in the public sphere? Have new identification patterns emerged in the Polish modernity, and if so, then what fields and phenomena of the 20th century culture or history have taken on such model significance? How and where were boundaries drawn be tween what is individual in an identity of a person speaking and thinking in Polish on the one hand, and, on the other, what is collective? What has been considered native in this identity, and what alien – for exam¬ple Western, bourgeois, communist, German, Jewish, non-normative in terms of religion or sexuality – and in what way has cultural "otherness" been constructed at that time? Trying to answer these questions, I refer to categories of cultural anthropology such as symbolic universe, collective memory, autobiographical identity, body and space in culture, as well as to notions from the social sciences – interpersonal relationship, public discourse and communicative community. To put it simply, using these categories I try to describe the most important narrative forms and topics of Różewicz's prose that allow the writer to address and express in a liter¬ary form identity problems faced by an individual and the community. I also attempt to analyze the very proces through which Różewicz devel¬ops his own unique identity narratives as well as the evolution of narra¬tive conventions of his literary work. Reading Różewicz's works in this manner and organizing chapters of this book from the ones presenting public identity (displayed publicly and codified in ideology or aesthetic) to the ones presenting private identity, I put an especial emphasis on some issues related to cultural studies and social communication. Ac¬cording to the reconstruction model, I assume that even private experi¬ences shape one's identity through culture and language. In Różewicz's narratives I describe and compare both more collective and more indi-vidual premises for constructing identity. The criterion for differentiating between these premises is determined by the narrativist approach adopt¬ed in this book. An individual's identity (even autobiographical one) is created and expressed within the existing culture and public sphere, and for this reason I am interested in history of ideas, in social relationships, symbols and role models, changes of customs and everyday life which left a distinct impression on literary, political or historical narratives. Reading these narratives, I make use of the following authors: Jan Assmann, Jean Baudrillard, Zygmunt Bauman, Ernst Cassirer, Michel Foucault, Marc Fumaroli, Hans-Georg Gadamer, Jerzy Jedlicki, Anthony Giddens, Iz¬abela Kowalczyk, Philippe Lejeune, Maurice Merleau-Ponty, Stanisław Ossowski, Ewa Rewers, Paul Ricoeur, Richard Rorty, Elżbieta Rybicka, Richard Shusterman, Georg Simmel, Jerzy Szacki, Magdalena Środa, Charles Taylor, Nikodem Bończa Tomaszewski, Christian Vandendorpe, Anna Wieczorkiewicz. I rely on their reconstruction of social-historical background of modern identity presented by these authors as well as on language used by them. The book structure results from the overlapping, or even conflict, of two research objectives. My task is to analyze the most important prem¬ises and forms of identity in Różewicz's prose, and I describe them in separate chapters as problems of culture, literature and history of ideas as well as models and social projects. It is my wish that all these perspectives make up a coherent identity narrative of man of the second half of the 20th century – a "biographical" case study. The study covers the pro¬cess of political empowerment of an individual; his/her participation in democratized mass culture; his/her attitude towards collective memory, towards Polish and European cultural community; experiencing of body, sexuality and everyday existence; emotional and social relationship with space; and, finally, an autobiographical identity which I reconstruct as a transitional and provisional "whole". One of the most significant issues covered in the book is the western orientation of Polish collective identity in the 20th century, related to the modernization of Central Europe and the postwar division of the continent by the Iron Curtain, which created in Poland a phantom idea of the West, as well as to the shifted borders of the Polish state to the territories by the Odra river and the Baltic Sea, to polonization of former German lands, and, finally, to historical and polit¬ical discourse legitimizing this transfer of territories. Tadeusz Różewicz as a travelling writer and journalist has relentlessly problematized the relationship between Europe and its Polish idea; as a resident in Gliwice and Wrocław, not only has he described – since the trip down the Odra river on a fishing boat from Koźle to Szczecin in 1947 – symbolic colonization of the post- German Nadodrze, but also artistically diagnosed the birth of the new individual and social identity of the inhabitants of this border area, with its clashing narratives of history, biography and national literature alongside the overlapping traces of different cultures and traditions. Writing about Różewicz's man in this book, I clearly do not mean the writer himself. It is obvious that among many convictions and attitudes that the author of Sobowtór manifests, there are some of which he is fond, and there are others of which he is not. I do not disregard his views voiced in non-fiction narratives and public speeches, yet I am mostly interested in experience, world view and self-comprehension of his literary persona and literary hero presented or partially derived from an idea of man and of community in his texts. Analyzing Różewicz's works, I therefore distinguish between his self-evident journalistic approach and his humanistic reflection which is a result of a philosophical or literary presentation of identity problems an individual faces. I read his prose as an element of a public discourse and at the same time as an indirect – formulated in fictional, intimate or notebook narratives – criticism of social reality and European culture in the 20th century. In most cases, I leave open questions such as whether or not Różewicz was or is committed to a specific political project; whether or not he is a modern man in different meanings of this notion; whether or not his personal identity coincides with identity narratives in his books. Finding an answer to these questions is not a purpose of this book. It is, distinctively, the problem of Tadeusz Różewicz's intellectual commitment to modern culture, literature and history and a problem of the writer's role in creative and critical understanding of them that I find more interesting and important. ; MNiSW

The present thesis studies the diffusion of energy efficiency (EE from now on) in the residential sector using an economic perspective. The research is concentrated on the analysis of the Energy Efficiency Paradox and on the evaluation of EE policies. The thesis consists of five independent chapters (including this chapter), some of which have been already published in specialized journals. Although increasing EE in the residential sector has been for long time one of the targets of many governments, several reasons have led governments to intensify their efforts in this area. The negative effects generated by climate change, urban pollution and fuel poverty, together with the growing political instability in energy-producer countries, are some of the reasons that are behind this renewed interest both in developed and developing countries. Moreover, engineering studies have identified the residential sector as the one with the largest potential for cost-effective energy-savings. Despite the fact that mathematical models have identified "win-win" situations for households if they adopt EE measures, and the large number of public initiatives to promote EE applied by public institutions, the diffusion rate of EE continues to be lower than expected. Thus, this field of research has gained much attention, not only from policymakers but also from the society and academics. Despite the fact that engineering models have identified "win-win" situations for households if they adopt EE measures, and the large number of public initiatives to promote EE applied by public institutions, the diffusion rate of EE continues to be lower than expected. Thus, this field of research has gained much attention, not only from policymakers but also from academics and other stakeholders. Up to now, most of the interventions were oriented to internalize the negative externalities of energy through the use of price instruments (e.g. through Pigouvian taxes) or codes and standards that ensure a minimum level of energy performance. However, the empirical evidence has shown important limitations associated with such policies. They could be partly given by the general assumptions about perfect information and rationality that these models use. Indeed, much attention has been recently given to the ideas of behavioral economics, which has identified several situations when consumers systematically deviate from the rationality assumptions. The inclusion of behavioral economics approaches in the field of EE has opened the door to new interpretations of the Energy Efficiency Paradox but also to non-price interventions as an important complement to promote EE. Additionally, the development of experimental techniques has allowed researchers to evaluate the effectiveness of non-conventional public interventions. Therefore, the present thesis has the double objective of understanding household decisions regarding EE and of evaluating novel instruments to promote EE. On the one hand, with this research I tried to contribute by providing new academic evidence on the factors driving consumers' choices. This first step is essential to explain the divergence between the level of investment in EE predicted by engineering models and the real level of EE (previously mentioned as the Energy Efficiency Paradox). Besides that, given that EE in the transport sector presents several parallels with dwellings, this thesis also analyses consumer's decisions related with vehicles' energy efficiency. By doing so, I verify whether the results can be applied to other fields of consumer decision related with EE. On the other hand, my research tries to evaluate the results of informational instruments, in particular energy performance certificates or labeling systems, now a widely-used tool to promote EE that has experienced a rapid diffusion in the last few decades. In this sense, Chapter 2 can be seen as an introduction to this thesis. The objective of this chapter was to acquire the necessary knowledge that provided me with a complete overview of the field of EE. This task consisted of the revision of a large number of studies and reports from different research lines: energy demand, fuel poverty, behavioral economics, electricity markets, environmental economics, etc. Furthermore, this chapter works as an introduction and serves as a guideline for the rest of the doctoral thesis. Firstly, it contextualizes the research on EE in the residential sector from an economic point of view. It updates the current debate about the Energy Efficiency Paradox with special attention to the growing role that informational and behavioral failures play in explaining this gap. Secondly, the core of the chapter is a review of the empirical evidence on the effectiveness of the informational instruments that have been rapidly adopted by many governments during the last decade. In particular, the chapter focuses on energy certificates, feedback programs, and energy audits. As far as I know, this is the first study that gathers together the results from economic research in all the existing informational instruments. Results show that energy certificates and feedback programs can be effective, but only if they are carefully designed: yet energy audits seem to have little effect on efficiency. In addition, the chapter points out the large potential for new instruments as well as for combinations of existing ones. Finally, it identifies the experimental techniques implemented in the last few years, highlighting the robust approach that use large and random samples and have a large potential in for future policy evaluation in this field. Chapter 3 empirically evaluates the determinants that drive household decisions regarding EE adoption in Spain. The objective of this chapter is to get insights into EE in Spanish households. Several studies have previously evaluated the factors that determine households' choices. However, Spain presents some specific characteristics that demand for ad hoc analysis: an aged population, a remarkable increase of purchasing power, ownership status or the size and composition of the stock of buildings, among others. Using information from a large and representative official survey, in this chapter I focused on the effects of socio-economic characteristics on the probability to adopt EE measures or energy-saving daily habits. By doing so I was able to identify the barriers that prevent consumers from taking EE measures, and the characteristics that make them favorable to invest. Since EE measures can show different up-front costs, I used information on well-differentiated measures: from energy-saving habits, such as lowering indoor heating temperatures, to low cost measures, such as low consumption bulbs, and higher cost measures, such as energy efficient appliances or double glazing. When dealing with the Energy Efficiency Paradox, there is a general concern with the heterogeneity present among households. In this chapter, I focused on the effects of household environmental attitudes and behavior as a potential explanation for differences in the rate of EE adoption. The chapter shows that households with eco-friendly behaviors are more likely to investment in well-differentiated EE measures as well as to steer daily habits towards energy savings. However, no effects were found for households with environmental attitudes based on stated willingness to pay to protect the environment. In addition to this, households belonging to higher income groups and education levels are more likely to invest in EE but not to adopt energy-saving habits; while households with older members are less likely to invest in EE and show fewer eco-friendly habits. In sum, this chapter provides the first empirical results for Spain on the factors driving household choices regarding EE. Moreover, it contributes to the existing literature by giving insights on pro-environmental attitudes and behaviors. One of the justifications for the use of command-and-control policies is the hypothesis that consumers do not value EE. Hence, the objective of Chapters 4 and 5 was to study consumers' willingness to pay for EE and their valuation for EE labels or certificates in dwellings and light duty vehicles, respectively. This is particularly relevant because EU legislation has introduced the mandate to apply labeling systems to differentiate products based on their level of EE. The objective of those regulations is to help consumers to take efficiency decisions in a market with imperfect information. In Chapter 4 I estimate the implicit price of EE vehicles, measured as those with label A or B. I have used two samples, one with all vehicles on sale in Spain containing official information on attributes and commercial prices of vehicles, and another where a subsample of these vehicles was selected and matched with the price of retailers. For this subsample, the method of "mystery shopping" was carried out by a specialized company. This approach consists in asking directly the retailer about the price of certain vehicles as if this process was part of a real acquisition. A main objective of the chapter was to test the hypothesis of changes in willingness to pay for EE using official prices and retailer prices. Additionally, I used the European labelling system for light vehicles, which classifies automobiles according to their relative fuel consumption levels, as a novel and alternative indicator for EE. The results of this chapter indicate that vehicles labelled A and B are sold at prices 3 to 5.9% higher than those with similar characteristics but lower energy-efficiency labels, using official commercial prices and retailer prices, respectively. By comparing this results with the present value of the energy savings, it can be seen that the use of retailer prices overestimates the value of EE. Although, there is sizeable research on this field, as far as I know this is the first evidence for the Spanish car market. Furthermore, our results fall in the range of magnitudes previously found. Finally, in Chapter 5 I estimate the implicit price of Portuguese dwellings rated as A, B, or C, keeping constant the rest dwelling attributes. Given the lack of official and complete databases for the stock of buildings, I have downloaded the information on dwelling sales from the web page of one of the largest real estate companies in Portugal, and constructed a unique database with complete information of dwelling attributes. This database includes general dwelling attributes but also information on the level of EE of the dwelling and its energy performance certificate. Moreover, since location is one of the most important factors when purchasing a dwelling, I have used spatial economic techniques to control for the exact location of each housing unit. The results show that Portuguese consumers positively value high certified dwellings. Despite the fact that the database used for this study includes information on a larger number of dwelling attributes than in previous studies, reported values are higher. This suggests that the valuation for energy performance certificates is higher in the Portuguese residential sector than that in other European countries. Yet, it can also be the case that our model cannot control for unobservable factors related with energy performance certificates, and this overestimates the results. Indeed, as other researchers have pointed out, there could be effects such as reputation or status that models cannot control. Thus, the chapter highlights the need for further research in this area even though there is an unfortunate lack of official information.

Actualment, la legislació ambiental ha esdevingut més restrictiva pel que fa a la descàrrega d'aigües residuals amb nutrients, especialment en les anomenades àrees sensibles o zones vulnerables. Arran d'aquest fet, s'ha estimulat el coneixement, desenvolupament i millora dels processos d'eliminació de nutrients. El Reactor Discontinu Seqüencial (RDS) o Sequencing Batch Reactor (SBR) en anglès, és un sistema de tractament de fangs actius que opera mitjançant un procediment d'omplerta-buidat. En aquest tipus de reactors, l'aigua residual és addicionada en un sol reactor que treballa per càrregues repetint un cicle (seqüència) al llarg del temps. Una de les característiques dels SBR és que totes les diferents operacions (omplerta, reacció, sedimentació i buidat) es donen en un mateix reactor. La tecnologia SBR no és nova d'ara. El fet, és que va aparèixer abans que els sistema de tractament continu de fangs actius. El precursor dels SBR va ser un sistema d'omplerta-buidat que operava en discontinu. Entre els anys 1914 i 1920, varen sorgir certes dificultats moltes d'elles a nivell d'operació (vàlvules, canvis el cabal d'un reactor a un altre, elevat temps d'atenció per l'operari.) per aquests reactors. Però no va ser fins a finals de la dècada dels '50 principis del '60, amb el desenvolupament de nous equipaments i noves tecnologies, quan va tornar a ressorgir l'interès pels SBRs. Importants millores en el camp del subministrament d'aire (vàlvules motoritzades o d'acció pneumàtica) i en el de control (sondes de nivell, mesuradors de cabal, temporitzadors automàtics, microprocessadors) han permès que avui en dia els SBRs competeixin amb els sistemes convencional de fangs actius. L'objectiu de la present tesi és la identificació de les condicions d'operació adequades per un cicle segons el tipus d'aigua residual a l'entrada, les necessitats del tractament i la qualitat desitjada de la sortida utilitzant la tecnologia SBR. Aquestes tres característiques, l'aigua a tractar, les necessitats del tractament i la qualitat final desitjada determinen en gran mesura el tractament a realitzar. Així doncs, per tal d'adequar el tractament a cada tipus d'aigua residual i les seves necessitats, han estat estudiats diferents estratègies d'alimentació. El seguiment del procés es realitza mitjançant mesures on-line de pH, OD i RedOx, els canvis de les quals donen informació sobre l'estat del procés. Alhora un altre paràmetre que es pot calcular a partir de l'oxigen dissolt és la OUR que és una dada complementària als paràmetres esmentats. S'han avaluat les condicions d'operació per eliminar nitrogen d'una aigua residual sintètica utilitzant una estratègia d'alimentació esglaonada, a través de l'estudi de l'efecte del nombre d'alimentacions, la definició de la llargada i el número de fases per cicle, i la identificació dels punts crítics seguint les sondes de pH, OD i RedOx. S'ha aplicat l'estratègia d'alimentació esglaonada a dues aigües residuals diferents: una procedent d'una indústria tèxtil i l'altra, dels lixiviats d'un abocador. En ambdues aigües residuals es va estudiar l'eficiència del procés a partir de les condicions d'operació i de la velocitat del consum d'oxigen. Mentre que en l'aigua residual tèxtil el principal objectiu era eliminar matèria orgànica, en l'aigua procedent dels lixiviats d'abocador era eliminar matèria orgànica i nitrogen. S'han avaluat les condicions d'operació per eliminar nitrogen i fòsfor d'una aigua residual urbana utilitzant una estratègia d'alimentació esglaonada, a través de la definició del número i la llargada de les fases per cicle, i la identificació dels punts crítics seguint les sondes de pH, OD i RedOx. S'ha analitzat la influència del pH i la font de carboni per tal d'eliminar fòsfor d'una aigua sintètica a partir de l'estudi de l'increment de pH a dos reactors amb diferents fonts de carboni i l'estudi de l'efecte de canviar la font de carboni. Tal i com es pot veure al llarg de la tesi, on s'han tractat diferents aigües residuals per a diferents necessitats, un dels avantatges més importants d'un SBR és la seva flexibilitat. ; Actualmente, la legislación ambiental se ha convertido más restrictiva por lo que concierne al vertido de aguas residuales con nutrientes, especialmente en las llamadas áreas sensibles o zonas vulnerables. A partir de este hecho, se ha estimulado el conocimiento, desarrollo y mejora de los procesos de eliminación de nutrientes. El Reactor Discontinuo Secuencial (RDS) o Sequencing Batch Reactor (SBR) en inglés, es un sistema de tratamiento de fangos activados que opera mediante un procedimiento de llenado-vaciado. En este tipo de reactores, el agua residual es adicionada en un solo reactor que trabaja por cargas repitiendo un ciclo (secuencia) a lo largo del tiempo. Una de les características de los SBR es que todas las diferentes operaciones (llenado, reacción, sedimentación y vaciado) se dan en el mismo reactor. La tecnología SBR no es nueva. De hecho, apareció antes que el sistema de tratamiento continuo de fangos activados. El precursor de los SBR fue un sistema de llenado-vaciado que operaba en discontinuo. Entre los años 1914 y 1920, surgieron ciertas dificultades muchas de ellas a nivel de operación (válvulas, cambios de caudal de un reactor a otro, elevado tiempo de atención por parte del operario.) para estos reactores. Pero no fue hasta finales de la década de los '50 principios de los '60, con el desarrollo de los nuevos equipamientos y las nuevas tecnologías, cuando volvió a resurgir el interés en los SBRs. Importantes mejoras en el campo de los suministro de aire (válvulas motorizadas o de acción neumática) y en el de control (sondas de nivel, medidores de caudal, temporizadores automáticos, microprocesadores) han permitido que hoy en día los SBRs compitan con los sistemas convencionales de fangos activados. El objetivo de la presente tesis es la identificación de las condiciones de operación adecuadas para un ciclo según el tipo de agua residual en la entrada, las necesidades del tratamiento y la calidad deseada de la salida utilizando la tecnología SBR. Estas tres características, el agua a tratar, las necesidades del tratamiento y la calidad final deseada determinan en gran medida el tratamiento a realizar. Así pues, para poder adecuar el tratamiento a cada tipo de agua residual y a sus necesidades, han sido estudiados diferentes estrategias de alimentación. El seguimiento de los cambios de las medidas en línea de pH, OD y RedOx proporciona información sobre el proceso. A su vez, otro parámetro que se puede calcular a partir del OD es la OUR que también da información del proceso. Se han evaluado las condiciones de operación para eliminar nitrógeno de una agua residual sintética utilizando una estrategia de alimentación escalonada, a partir del estudio del efecto del número de alimentaciones, la definición de la longitud y el número de fases por ciclo, y la identificación de los puntos críticos siguiendo las sondas de pH, OD y RedOx. Se ha aplicado la estrategia de alimentación escalonada a dos aguas residuales diferentes: una procedente de una industria textil y la otra, de los lixiviados de un vertedero. En las dos aguas residuales se estudió la eficiencia del proceso a partir de las condiciones de operación y de la velocidad de consumo de oxigeno. Mientras que en el agua residual textil el principal objetivo era eliminar materia orgánica, en el agua procedente de los lixiviados del vertedero era eliminar materia orgánica y nitrógeno. Se han evaluado las condiciones de operación para eliminar nitrógeno y fósforo de una agua residual urbana utilizando una estrategia de alimentación escalonada, a partir del estudio de la definición de la longitud y el número de fases por ciclo, y la identificación de los puntos críticos siguiendo las sondas de pH, OD y RedOx. Se han analizado la influencia del pH y la fuente de carbono para eliminar fósforo de un agua sintética a partir del estudio del incremento de pH en dos reactores con diferentes fuentes de carbono y el estudio del efecto de cambiar la fuente de carbono. Como se puede apreciar a lo largo de la tesis, donde se han tratado diferentes aguas residuales para a diferentes necesidades, una de las ventajas más importantes de los SBR es su flexibilidad. ; Nowadays, environmental legislation has become more restricted in the nutrient wastewater discharge, especially in the sensitive areas and vulnerable zones. So, many studies have been stimulated on the understanding, developing and improving the biological nutrient removal processes. The Sequencing Batch Reactor (SBR) is a fill-and-draw activated sludge system for wastewater treatment. In this system, wastewater is added to a single reactor which operates in a batch treatment mode repeating a cycle (sequence) continuously. All the operations (fill, react, settle and draw) are achieved in a single batch reactor. SBR technology is not new. In fact, it precedes the use of continuous flow activated sludge technology. The precursor to this was a fill-and-draw system operated on batch, similar to the SBR. Between 1914 and 1920, many difficulties were associated with operating these fill-and-draw systems, most resulting from the process valving required to switch flow from one reactor to another, operator attention required. Interest in SBRs was revived in the late 1950s and early 1960s, with the development of new equipment and technology. Improvements in aeration devices (i.e. motorized valves, pneumatically actuated valves) and controls (level sensors, flowmeters, automatic timers, microprocessors) have allowed SBRs to successfully compete with conventional activated sludge systems. The aim of this thesis consists in the identification of suitable operation conditions for a cycle according to kind of influent wastewater, treatment requirements and effluent quality using a SBR technology. The influent wastewater, treatment requirements and effluent quality desire determinate in great measure the treatment to realize. So, different studies have been carried out in order to obtain a suitable treatment for each wastewater and requirement using a step-feed strategy. By means of on-line pH, DO and ORP measurements are possible follow the status of the process. At the same time another parameter, that complements all these, is the OUR calculated through DO dada. Evaluation the operation conditions for nitrogen removal using a step-feed strategy for a synthetic wastewater through the study of the effect of number of filling events, the definition of the length and number of phases for a cycle, and the identification of the critical points following the pH, DO and ORP sensors. Application of the step-feed strategy in two different industrial wastewaters: textile wastewater and landfill leachate wastewater. In both wastewaters, the efficiency has been studied through the operational conditions and oxygen uptake rate. While in the textile wastewater the main objective was only organic matter removal, in the landfill leachate wastewater was carbon and nitrogen removal. Evaluation of the operation conditions for nitrogen and phosphorus removal using a step-feed strategy for an urban wastewater through, the definition of the number and length of phases for a cycle, and the identification of the critical points following the pH, DO and ORP sensors. Influence of pH and carbon source in phosphorus removal using synthetic wastewater through the study of pH increase in two different carbon sources and the effect of change of carbon source. As it can be observed in this thesis, where it is treated different wastewaters for different requirements, one of the main advantages of the SBR is its flexibility.

Actualment, la legislació ambiental ha esdevingut més restrictiva pel que fa a la descàrrega d'aigües residuals amb nutrients, especialment en les anomenades àrees sensibles o zones vulnerables. Arran d'aquest fet, s'ha estimulat el coneixement, desenvolupament i millora dels processos d'eliminació de nutrients. El Reactor Discontinu Seqüencial (RDS) o Sequencing Batch Reactor (SBR) en anglès, és un sistema de tractament de fangs actius que opera mitjançant un procediment d'omplerta-buidat. En aquest tipus de reactors, l'aigua residual és addicionada en un sol reactor que treballa per càrregues repetint un cicle (seqüència) al llarg del temps. Una de les característiques dels SBR és que totes les diferents operacions (omplerta, reacció, sedimentació i buidat) es donen en un mateix reactor. La tecnologia SBR no és nova d'ara. El fet, és que va aparèixer abans que els sistema de tractament continu de fangs actius. El precursor dels SBR va ser un sistema d'omplerta-buidat que operava en discontinu. Entre els anys 1914 i 1920, varen sorgir certes dificultats moltes d'elles a nivell d'operació (vàlvules, canvis el cabal d'un reactor a un altre, elevat temps d'atenció per l'operari.) per aquests reactors. Però no va ser fins a finals de la dècada dels '50 principis del '60, amb el desenvolupament de nous equipaments i noves tecnologies, quan va tornar a ressorgir l'interès pels SBRs. Importants millores en el camp del subministrament d'aire (vàlvules motoritzades o d'acció pneumàtica) i en el de control (sondes de nivell, mesuradors de cabal, temporitzadors automàtics, microprocessadors) han permès que avui en dia els SBRs competeixin amb els sistemes convencional de fangs actius. L'objectiu de la present tesi és la identificació de les condicions d'operació adequades per un cicle segons el tipus d'aigua residual a l'entrada, les necessitats del tractament i la qualitat desitjada de la sortida utilitzant la tecnologia SBR. Aquestes tres característiques, l'aigua a tractar, les necessitats del tractament i la qualitat final desitjada determinen en gran mesura el tractament a realitzar. Així doncs, per tal d'adequar el tractament a cada tipus d'aigua residual i les seves necessitats, han estat estudiats diferents estratègies d'alimentació. El seguiment del procés es realitza mitjançant mesures on-line de pH, OD i RedOx, els canvis de les quals donen informació sobre l'estat del procés. Alhora un altre paràmetre que es pot calcular a partir de l'oxigen dissolt és la OUR que és una dada complementària als paràmetres esmentats. S'han avaluat les condicions d'operació per eliminar nitrogen d'una aigua residual sintètica utilitzant una estratègia d'alimentació esglaonada, a través de l'estudi de l'efecte del nombre d'alimentacions, la definició de la llargada i el número de fases per cicle, i la identificació dels punts crítics seguint les sondes de pH, OD i RedOx. S'ha aplicat l'estratègia d'alimentació esglaonada a dues aigües residuals diferents: una procedent d'una indústria tèxtil i l'altra, dels lixiviats d'un abocador. En ambdues aigües residuals es va estudiar l'eficiència del procés a partir de les condicions d'operació i de la velocitat del consum d'oxigen. Mentre que en l'aigua residual tèxtil el principal objectiu era eliminar matèria orgànica, en l'aigua procedent dels lixiviats d'abocador era eliminar matèria orgànica i nitrogen. S'han avaluat les condicions d'operació per eliminar nitrogen i fòsfor d'una aigua residual urbana utilitzant una estratègia d'alimentació esglaonada, a través de la definició del número i la llargada de les fases per cicle, i la identificació dels punts crítics seguint les sondes de pH, OD i RedOx. S'ha analitzat la influència del pH i la font de carboni per tal d'eliminar fòsfor d'una aigua sintètica a partir de l'estudi de l'increment de pH a dos reactors amb diferents fonts de carboni i l'estudi de l'efecte de canviar la font de carboni. Tal i com es pot veure al llarg de la tesi, on s'han tractat diferents aigües residuals per a diferents necessitats, un dels avantatges més importants d'un SBR és la seva flexibilitat. ; Actualmente, la legislación ambiental se ha convertido más restrictiva por lo que concierne al vertido de aguas residuales con nutrientes, especialmente en las llamadas áreas sensibles o zonas vulnerables. A partir de este hecho, se ha estimulado el conocimiento, desarrollo y mejora de los procesos de eliminación de nutrientes. El Reactor Discontinuo Secuencial (RDS) o Sequencing Batch Reactor (SBR) en inglés, es un sistema de tratamiento de fangos activados que opera mediante un procedimiento de llenado-vaciado. En este tipo de reactores, el agua residual es adicionada en un solo reactor que trabaja por cargas repitiendo un ciclo (secuencia) a lo largo del tiempo. Una de les características de los SBR es que todas las diferentes operaciones (llenado, reacción, sedimentación y vaciado) se dan en el mismo reactor. La tecnología SBR no es nueva. De hecho, apareció antes que el sistema de tratamiento continuo de fangos activados. El precursor de los SBR fue un sistema de llenado-vaciado que operaba en discontinuo. Entre los años 1914 y 1920, surgieron ciertas dificultades muchas de ellas a nivel de operación (válvulas, cambios de caudal de un reactor a otro, elevado tiempo de atención por parte del operario.) para estos reactores. Pero no fue hasta finales de la década de los '50 principios de los '60, con el desarrollo de los nuevos equipamientos y las nuevas tecnologías, cuando volvió a resurgir el interés en los SBRs. Importantes mejoras en el campo de los suministro de aire (válvulas motorizadas o de acción neumática) y en el de control (sondas de nivel, medidores de caudal, temporizadores automáticos, microprocesadores) han permitido que hoy en día los SBRs compitan con los sistemas convencionales de fangos activados. El objetivo de la presente tesis es la identificación de las condiciones de operación adecuadas para un ciclo según el tipo de agua residual en la entrada, las necesidades del tratamiento y la calidad deseada de la salida utilizando la tecnología SBR. Estas tres características, el agua a tratar, las necesidades del tratamiento y la calidad final deseada determinan en gran medida el tratamiento a realizar. Así pues, para poder adecuar el tratamiento a cada tipo de agua residual y a sus necesidades, han sido estudiados diferentes estrategias de alimentación. El seguimiento de los cambios de las medidas en línea de pH, OD y RedOx proporciona información sobre el proceso. A su vez, otro parámetro que se puede calcular a partir del OD es la OUR que también da información del proceso. Se han evaluado las condiciones de operación para eliminar nitrógeno de una agua residual sintética utilizando una estrategia de alimentación escalonada, a partir del estudio del efecto del número de alimentaciones, la definición de la longitud y el número de fases por ciclo, y la identificación de los puntos críticos siguiendo las sondas de pH, OD y RedOx. Se ha aplicado la estrategia de alimentación escalonada a dos aguas residuales diferentes: una procedente de una industria textil y la otra, de los lixiviados de un vertedero. En las dos aguas residuales se estudió la eficiencia del proceso a partir de las condiciones de operación y de la velocidad de consumo de oxigeno. Mientras que en el agua residual textil el principal objetivo era eliminar materia orgánica, en el agua procedente de los lixiviados del vertedero era eliminar materia orgánica y nitrógeno. Se han evaluado las condiciones de operación para eliminar nitrógeno y fósforo de una agua residual urbana utilizando una estrategia de alimentación escalonada, a partir del estudio de la definición de la longitud y el número de fases por ciclo, y la identificación de los puntos críticos siguiendo las sondas de pH, OD y RedOx. Se han analizado la influencia del pH y la fuente de carbono para eliminar fósforo de un agua sintética a partir del estudio del incremento de pH en dos reactores con diferentes fuentes de carbono y el estudio del efecto de cambiar la fuente de carbono. Como se puede apreciar a lo largo de la tesis, donde se han tratado diferentes aguas residuales para a diferentes necesidades, una de las ventajas más importantes de los SBR es su flexibilidad. ; Nowadays, environmental legislation has become more restricted in the nutrient wastewater discharge, especially in the sensitive areas and vulnerable zones. So, many studies have been stimulated on the understanding, developing and improving the biological nutrient removal processes. The Sequencing Batch Reactor (SBR) is a fill-and-draw activated sludge system for wastewater treatment. In this system, wastewater is added to a single reactor which operates in a batch treatment mode repeating a cycle (sequence) continuously. All the operations (fill, react, settle and draw) are achieved in a single batch reactor. SBR technology is not new. In fact, it precedes the use of continuous flow activated sludge technology. The precursor to this was a fill-and-draw system operated on batch, similar to the SBR. Between 1914 and 1920, many difficulties were associated with operating these fill-and-draw systems, most resulting from the process valving required to switch flow from one reactor to another, operator attention required. Interest in SBRs was revived in the late 1950s and early 1960s, with the development of new equipment and technology. Improvements in aeration devices (i.e. motorized valves, pneumatically actuated valves) and controls (level sensors, flowmeters, automatic timers, microprocessors) have allowed SBRs to successfully compete with conventional activated sludge systems. The aim of this thesis consists in the identification of suitable operation conditions for a cycle according to kind of influent wastewater, treatment requirements and effluent quality using a SBR technology. The influent wastewater, treatment requirements and effluent quality desire determinate in great measure the treatment to realize. So, different studies have been carried out in order to obtain a suitable treatment for each wastewater and requirement using a step-feed strategy. By means of on-line pH, DO and ORP measurements are possible follow the status of the process. At the same time another parameter, that complements all these, is the OUR calculated through DO dada. Evaluation the operation conditions for nitrogen removal using a step-feed strategy for a synthetic wastewater through the study of the effect of number of filling events, the definition of the length and number of phases for a cycle, and the identification of the critical points following the pH, DO and ORP sensors. Application of the step-feed strategy in two different industrial wastewaters: textile wastewater and landfill leachate wastewater. In both wastewaters, the efficiency has been studied through the operational conditions and oxygen uptake rate. While in the textile wastewater the main objective was only organic matter removal, in the landfill leachate wastewater was carbon and nitrogen removal. Evaluation of the operation conditions for nitrogen and phosphorus removal using a step-feed strategy for an urban wastewater through, the definition of the number and length of phases for a cycle, and the identification of the critical points following the pH, DO and ORP sensors. Influence of pH and carbon source in phosphorus removal using synthetic wastewater through the study of pH increase in two different carbon sources and the effect of change of carbon source. As it can be observed in this thesis, where it is treated different wastewaters for different requirements, one of the main advantages of the SBR is its flexibility.

Summary Introduction. Rapid and uncontrolled industrialisation and urbanisation in most developing countries are resulting in land, air and water pollution at rates that the natural environment cannot fully renew. These contemporary environmental issues have attracted local, national and international attention. The problem of urban garbage management is associated with rapid population growth in developing countries. These are pertinent environmental crises of sustainability and sanitation in Sub-Saharan Africa and other Third World countries. Despite efforts of the various tiers of government (the case of Nigeria with three tiers: Federal, State and Local governments) in managing solid waste in urban centres, it is still overflowing open dumpsites, litters streets and encroaches into water bodies. These affect the quality of urban living conditions and the natural environment. Sub-Saharan and other developing countries are experiencing an upsurge in the accumulation and the diversity of waste including E-waste, waste agricultural biomass and waste plastics. The need for effective, sustainable and efficient management of waste through the application of 3Rs principle (Reduce, Reuse, and Recycle) is an essential element for promoting sustainable patterns of consumption and production. This study examined waste management in Imo State, Nigeria as an aspect correlated to the sustainability of its environment. Materials and methods. To analyse waste management as a correlate of environmental sustainability in Sub-Saharan Africa, Imo State, in eastern Nigeria was chosen as a study area. Issues about waste handling and its impact on the environment in Imo have been reported since its creation in 1976; passing through the State with the cleanest State capital in 1980 to a 'dunghill' in 2013 and a 'garbage capital' on October 1, 2016. Within this State, three study sites were selected – Owerri metropolis (the State capital) Orlu and Okigwe towns. At these sites, households, commercial areas, accommodation and recreational establishments and schools, as well as dumpsites were investigated to ascertain the composition, quantity, distribution, handling patterns of waste in relation to the sustainability of the State's environment. This was done conveniently but randomly through questionnaires, interviews, focus group discussions and non-participant observation; these were all heralded by a detailed deskwork. Data were entered using Microsoft Office Excel and were explored and analysed using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences - SPSS. Data were made essentially of categorical variables and were analysed using descriptive statistics. The association between categorical variables was measured using Cramer's V the Chi-Square that makes the power and the reliability of the test. Cramer's V is a measure of association tests directly integrated with cross-tabulation. The Chi-Square test of equal proportions was used to compare proportions for significant differences at 0.05 levels. The statistical package - the Epi Info 6.04d was also used since a contingency table had to be created from several sub-outputs and determine the extent of association between the row and column categories. The scale variable 'quantity of waste generated' was described using measures of central tendency. It was screened for normality using the Kolmogorov-Smirnov and Shapiro-Wilk tests for normality; in all context, the normality assumption was violated (P<0.05). Five null hypotheses were tested using Logistic Regression model. The explanatory power of individual conceptual component was calculated using the Cox & Snell R2 and that of individual indicators was also appraised using the Likelihood Ratio test. In the context of this work, the significance of the variability explained by the model (baseline model) was appraised using the Omnibus Tests of Model Coefficients, the magnitude of this variability explained by the model using the Cox & Snell R2 and the effects of individual predictors using the Likelihood Ratio test. Qualitatively, data from open-ended items, observations and interviews were analysed using the process of thematic analysis whereby concepts or ideas were grouped under umbrella terms or keywords. The results were presented using tables, charts, graphs, photos and maps. Findings and discussions. The total findings and analyses indicated that proper waste handling in Imo State, Nigeria has a positive impact on the environment. This was assessed by the community's awareness of waste management via sources like the radio and the TV, their education on waste management and schools' integration of environmental education in their program. Although most community members perceived the State's environment as compared to it about 10 years' back has worsened, where they were conscious of proper waste handling measures, the environment was described to be better. This influence of environmental awareness and education on environmental sustainability appraised using Logistic Regression Model, portrayed a significant variability (Omnibus Tests of Model Coefficients: χ2=42.742; P=0.014), inferring that environmental awareness and education significantly predict environmental sustainability. The findings also revealed that organic waste generation spearheaded amongst other waste types like paper, plastic, E-waste, metal, textile and glass. While waste pickers always sorted paper, plastics, aluminium and metal, some of them also sorted out textile and glass. Statistically (P<0.05), in situations where waste was least generated (i.e., 1-2kg per day), community members maintained that the environmental quality was better in comparison to 10 years' back. Waste items like broken glass and textile as well as the remains of E-waste after the extraction of copper and brass were not sorted for and these contributed more to environmental degradation. Similarly, the influence of wealth on environmental sustainability was appraised using Logistic Regression Model including development index related indicators like education, occupation, income and the ability to pay for waste disposal. Harmonising the outcome, farmers, who were mostly the least educated claimed to notice more environmental improvement. In addition, those who did not agree to pay for waste disposal who were mostly those with low income (less than 200,000 Naira, i.e. about 620 Euros monthly) perceived environmental improvement more than those with income above 200,000 Naira. This irony can be attributed to the fact that those with low educational backing lack the capacity to appreciate environmental sustainability pointers well as compared to those with a broader educational background with critical thinking. The employment and poverty reduction opportunities pertaining to waste management on environmental sustainability was appraised using qualitative thematic analysis. All community members involved in sorting, buying and selling of waste items had no second job. They attested that the money earned from their activities sustained their livelihood and families. Some expressed love for the job, especially as they were their own masters. Waste picking and trading in waste items are offering employment opportunities to many communities around the world. For instance, in the waste recycling, waste composting, waste-to-energy plants and die Stadtreiniger in Würzburg city. The workers in these enterprises have jobs as a result of waste. Waste disposal influence on environmental sustainability was appraised using the Binary Logistic Regression Model and the variability explained by the model was significant. The validity was also supported by the Wald statistics (P<0.05), which indicates the effect of the predictors is significant. Environmental sustainability was greatly reliant on indicators like the frequency at which community members emptied their waste containers; how/where waste is disposed of, availability of disposal site or public bin near the house, etc. Imolites who asserted to have public waste bins or disposal sites near their houses maintained that the quality of the State's environment had worsened as such containers/disposal sites were always stinking as well as had animals and smoke around them. Imolites around disposal sites complained of traits like diarrhoea, catarrh, insect bites, malaria, smoke and polluted air. Conclusions. The liaison between poor waste management strategies and the sustainability of the Imo State environment was considered likely as statistically significant ineffectiveness, lack of awareness, poverty, insufficient and unrealistic waste management measures were found in this study area. In these situations, the environment was said to have not improved. Such inadequacies in the handling of generated waste did not only expose the citizenry to health dangers but also gave rise to streets and roads characterized by filth and many unattended disposal sites unleashing horrible odour to the environment and attracting wild animals. This situation is not only prevalent in Imo State, Nigeria but in many Sub-Saharan cities. Future Perspectives. To improve the environment in Sub-Saharan Africa, it is imperative to practice an inclusive and integrated sustainable waste management system. The waste quantity in this region is fast growing, especially food/organic waste. The region should aim at waste management laws and waste reduction strategies, which will help save and produce more food that it really needs. Waste management should be dissociated from epidemic outbreaks like cholera, typhoid, Lassa fever and malaria, whose vectors thrive in filthy environments. Water channels and water bodies should not be waste disposal channels or waste disposal sites. ; Zusammenfassung Einführung. Die rasante und unkontrollierte Industrialisierung und Verstädterung in den meisten Entwicklungsländern führt zu Boden-, Luft- und Wasserverschmutzung in einem Ausmaß, das die natürliche Umwelt nicht vollständig ausgleichen kann. Diese gegenwärtigen Umweltprobleme haben lokale, nationale und internationale Aufmerksamkeit erregt. Das Problem der städtischen Abfallbewirtschaftung ist mit einem rasanten Bevölkerungswachstum in Entwicklungsländern verbunden. Daraus resultieren relevante Umweltkrisen in Bezug auf Nachhaltigkeit und Hygiene in Subsahara-Afrika und in anderen Ländern der Dritten Welt. Trotz der Bemühungen der verschiedenen Regierungsebenen (im Fall von Nigeria mit drei Regierungsebenen: Bundes-, Landes- und Kommunalregierungen), feste Abfälle in städtischen Zentren zu entsorgen, dominieren immer noch offene Mülldeponien, Straßenabfälle und Einträge in Gewässer. Dies wirkt sich auf die Qualität der städtischen Lebensbedingungen und auf die natürliche Umwelt aus. In den Subsahara Ländern und in anderen Entwicklungsländern nehmen sowohl die Abfallmenge als auch die Arten von Abfällen zu, darunter Elektroschrott, landwirtschaftliche Biomasse und Kunststoffabfälle. Die Notwendigkeit für eine effektive, nachhaltige und effiziente Bewirtschaftung von Abfällen durch die Anwendung des 3R-Prinzips (Reduzieren, Wiederverwenden (Reuse), Recyceln) ist ein wesentliches Element, um nachhaltigen Konsum und nachhaltige Produktions zu fördern. Diese Studie untersucht die Abfallbewirtschaftung im nigerianischen Bundesstaat Imo als einen Aspekt, der mit der Nachhaltigkeit seiner Umwelt zusammenhängt. Materialen und Methoden. Um die Abfallbewirtschaftung als Aspekt der Nachhaltigkeit und des Umweltmanagements in Subsahara-Afrika zu analysieren, wurde der Bundesstaat Imo im Osten Nigerias als Untersuchungsgebiet ausgewählt. Aus diesem Bundesstaat wurden seit seiner Gründung im Jahr 1976 Probleme in Bezug auf die Abfallbehandlung und deren Auswirkungen auf die Umwelt gemeldet. Imo State zeigt mit Owerri die sauberste Landeshauptstadt Nigerias im Jahr 1980 die Entwicklung zu einem "dunghill" (Misthaufen) im Jahr 2013 und zu einer "Müllhauptstadt" am 1. Oktober 2016 auf. Innerhalb dieses Staates wurden drei Untersuchungsgebiete ausgewählt: Owerri-Metropole (die Landeshauptstadt) und die Städte Orlu und Okigwe. An diesen Standorten wurden Haushalte, Gewerbegebiete, Unterbringungs- und Freizeiteinrichtungen sowie Schulen befragt und Untersuchungen an Mülldeponien vorgenommen. Damit wurde exemplarisch die Zusammensetzung, Menge, Verteilung und die Behandlung der Abfälle in Bezug auf das Nachhaltigkeitsmanagement in der städtischen und staatlichen Umwelt ermittelt. Dies geschah durch "convenient random sampling"… mit Fragebögen, Interviews, Fokusgruppendiskussionen und "non-participant observation". Alle Zielgruppen wurden vorab kontaktiert. Die im Zuge der Untersuchung erhobenen Daten wurden in Microsoft Office Excel eingegeben und mit dem Statistical Package for Social Sciences - SPSS - untersucht und analysiert. Die Daten bestanden im Wesentlichen aus kategorialen Variablen und wurden unter Verwendung deskriptiver Statistiken analysiert. Die Assoziation zwischen kategorialen Variablen wurde mit Cramers V, dem Chi-Quadrat, gemessen, das die Leistungsfähigkeit und Zuverlässigkeit des Tests ausmacht. Cramers V ist ein Maß für Assoziationstests, die direkt in die Kreuztabelle integriert sind. Der Chi-Quadrat-Test mit gleichen Anteilen wurde verwendet, um die Anteile auf signifikante Unterschiede bei 0,05 Niveaus zu vergleichen. Das Statistikpaket - Epi Info 6.04d - wurde zur Erstellung einer Kontingenztabelle aus mehreren Unterausgaben und zur Bestimmung der Zuordnung zwischen den Zeilen- und Spaltenkategorien verwendet. Die Skalenvariable "Menge des anfallenden Abfalls" wurde anhand von Maßnahmen zentraler Tendenz beschrieben. Es wurde unter Verwendung der Kolmogorov-Smirnov- und Shapiro-Wilk-Tests auf Normalität untersucht; in allen Zusammenhängen wurde die Normalitätsannahme verletzt (P <0,05). Fünf Nullhypothesen wurden unter Verwendung des logistischen Regressionsmodells getestet. Die Aussagekraft der einzelnen konzeptionellen Komponenten wurde mit dem Cox & Snell R-Square berechnet, und die der einzelnen Indikatoren wurde auch mit dem Likelihood Ratio-Test bewertet. Im Rahmen dieser Arbeit wurde die Bedeutung der vom Modell erklärten Variabilität (Baseline model) anhand der Omnibus-Tests der Modellkoeffizienten, die Größe dieser Variabilität anhand des Modells mit Cox & Snell R2 und die Auswirkungen des Individuums unter Verwendung von Prädiktoren, die den Likelihood Ratio-Test bewertet. Qualitativ wurden Daten aus offenen Items, Beobachtungen und Interviews unter Verwendung des Prozesses der thematischen Analyse analysiert, wobei Konzepte oder Ideen unter Oberbegriffen oder Schlüsselwörtern gruppiert wurden. Die Ergebnisse wurden anhand von Tabellen, Diagrammen, Grafiken, Fotos und Karten dargestellt. Erkenntnisse und Diskussionen. Die Gesamtheit der Untersuchungen hat ergeben, dass sich eine ordnungsgemäße Abfallbehandlung im nigerianischen Bundesstaat Imo positiv auf die Umwelt auswirkt. Dies wurde anhand des Bewusstseins der Gemeinschaft für die Abfallbewirtschaftung über Quellen wie Radio und Fernsehen, ihrer Aufklärung über die Abfallbewirtschaftung und der Einbeziehung der Umwelterziehung der Schulen in ihr Unterrichtsprogramm bewertet. Obwohl die meisten Befragten die Umweltsituation im Staat im Vergleich zu vor etwa 10 Jahren als verschlechtert empfanden und sich der Notwendigkeit einer ordnungsgemäßen Abfallentsorgung bewusst waren, wurde die aktuelle Umweltsituation als besser beschrieben. Dieser Einfluss des Umweltbewusstseins und der Umweltbildung auf die Umweltverträglichkeit, die mithilfe des logistischen Regressionsmodells bewertet wurden, zeigen eine signifikante Variabilität (Omnibus-Tests der Modellkoeffizienten: χ2 = 42,742; P = 0,014). Dies lässt darauf schließen, dass das Umweltbewusstsein und die Umweltbildung die Umweltverträglichkeit signifikant vorhersagen lassen. Die Ergebnisse zeigten auch, dass organische Abfälle häufiger als andere Abfallarten wie Papier, Kunststoff, Elektroschrott, Metall, Textil und Glas anfallen. Während die Müllsammler immer Papier, Plastik, Aluminium und Metall sortierten, sortierten einige von ihnen auch Textil und Glas. Statistisch gesehen (P <0,05) stellten die Befragten in dem Umfeld, in dem am wenigsten Abfall erzeugt wurde (d. h. 1 bis 2 kg pro Tag), fest, dass die Umweltqualität im Vergleich zu vor 10 Jahren besser war. Abfälle wie zerbrochenes Glas und Textile sowie die Reste von E-Abfällen nach der Gewinnung von Kupfer und Messing nicht sortiert wurden und diese mehr zur Umweltzerstörung beitrugen. In ähnlicher Weise wurde der Einfluss des Wohlstands auf die Umweltnachhaltigkeit mithilfe eines logistischen Regressionsmodells bewertet, das entwicklungsindexbezogene Indikatoren wie Bildung, Beruf, Einkommen und die Zahlungsfähigkeit für die Art der Abfallentsorgung umfasste. Bei der Harmonisierung des Ergebnisses gaben die Landwirte, die größtenteils am wenigsten ausgebildet waren, an, mehr Umweltverbesserungen zu bemerken. Darüber hinaus sahen diejenigen, die sich nicht bereit erklärten, für die Abfallentsorgung aufzukommen, bei denen es sich hauptsächlich um Personen mit niedrigem Einkommen handelte (weniger als 200.000 Naira, das heißt, 620 € monatlich), eine stärkere Verbesserung der Umweltbedingungen als diejenigen mit einem Einkommen von mehr als 200.000 Naira. Diese scheinbar widersprüchliche Wahrnehmung kann auf die Tatsache zurückgeführt werden, dass Menschen mit geringem Bildungshintergrund nicht in der Lage sind, ökologische Nachhaltigkeitsaspekte richtig einzuschätzen, verglichen mit Menschen mit einem breiteren Bildungshintergrund und eher kritischem Denken. Die Beschäftigungs- und Verdienstmöglichkeiten im Zusammenhang mit der Abfallbewirtschaftung im Hinblick auf die Umweltnachhaltigkeit wurden anhand einer qualitativen thematischen Analyse bewertet. Alle Befragten, die mit dem Sortieren, Kaufen und Verkaufen von Abfällen befasst waren, hatten keine zweite Beschäftigung. Sie bescheinigten, dass das Geld, das sie mit ihren Aktivitäten verdient hatten, ihren Lebensunterhalt und den ihrer Familien sicherte. Einige gaben an, ihre Arbeit sehr gerne zu machen, besonders, wenn sie selbständig arbeitend waren. Die Müllsammlung und der Handel mit Abfällen bieten vielen Gruppen auf der ganzen Welt Beschäftigungsmöglichkeiten. Dies reicht vom Abfallrecycling, der Abfallkompostierung und der Beschäftigung bei der Müllverbrennung in Entwicklungsländern bis zur Tätigkeit bei den "Stadtreinigern" in der Stadt Würzburg. Die Mitarbeiter und Mitarbeiterinnen in diesen Unternehmen haben durch Abfall-(Behandlung) Arbeitsplätze. Der Einfluss der Abfallentsorgung auf die Umweltnachhaltigkeit wurde mithilfe des binären logistischen Regressionsmodells bewertet, und die durch das Modell erklärte Variabilität war signifikant. Die Validität wurde auch von der Wald-Statistik (P <0,05) gestützt, die anzeigt, dass die Wirkung der Prädiktoren signifikant ist. Die Umweltnachhaltigkeit ist stark abhängig von Indikatoren wie der Häufigkeit, in der die Befragten ihre Abfallbehälter entleerten; wie / wo Abfälle entsorgt werden, der Verfügbarkeit von Abfalldeponien oder öffentlichen Abfalleimern in der Nähe des Hauses usw. Nach Ansicht von Imolites, die behaupteten, öffentlichen Abfallsammelstellen/-behältern in der Nähe ihrer Häuser zu haben, hat sich die Qualität der staatlichen Umwelt verschlechtert, da sich die Qualität dieser Abfallsammelstellen/-behälter verschlechtert habe. Die Standorte sorgen für ständige Geruchsbelästigung, Rauch und ziehen Tiere/Ungeziefer an. Imolites in der Nähe von Deponien klagten über Beschwerden wie Durchfall, Katarrh, Insektenstiche, Malaria sowie Atembeschwerden durch Rauch und Gestank. Schlussfolgerungen. Der Zusammenhang zwischen schlechten Abfallbewirtschaftungsstrategien und mangelnder Nachhaltigkeit im Umweltmanagement im nigerianischen Bundestaat Imo wurde als wahrscheinlich angesehen, da in diesem Untersuchungsgebiet statistisch signifikante Ineffektivität in der Abfallbehandlung, mangelndes Bewusstsein, Armut sowie unzureichende und unrealistische Abfallbewirtschaftungsmaßnahmen festgestellt wurden. In diesen Situationen habe sich die Umwelt lt. Umfrageergebnis in den letzten ca. 10 Jahren nicht verbessert. Solche Unzulänglichkeiten im Umgang mit anfallenden Abfällen gefährden nicht nur die Gesundheit der Bürger und Bürgerinnen, sondern führen auch zu Straßen und Wegen, die von Schmutz und vielen unbeaufsichtigten Deponien gekennzeichnet sind. Diese verursachen eine starke Geruchsbelästigung und ziehen wilde Tiere und Ungeziefer an. Diese Situation ist nicht nur im nigerianischen Bundesstaat Imo, sondern auch in vielen Städten in Subsahara-Afrika verbreitet. Zukunftsperspektiven. Um die Umwelt in Subsahara-Afrika zu verbessern, ist ein integratives und integriertes nachhaltiges Abfallmanagementsystem unabdingbar. Die Abfallmenge in dieser Region wächst rasant, insbesondere Lebensmittel- und Bioabfälle. Die Region sollte auf Gesetze zur Abfallbewirtschaftung und Strategien zur Abfallreduzierung abzielen, um nur die tatsächlich benötigten Lebensmittel bereit zu stellen. Die Abfallbewirtschaftung sollte außerdem auf die Vermeidung von epidemischen Ausbrüchen von Cholera, Typhus, Lassafieber und Malaria abzielen, deren Überträger in schmutzigen Umgebungen gedeihen. Wasserkanäle und Gewässer sollten keine Abfallentsorgungskanäle sein. ; Résumé Introduction. L'industrialisation et l'urbanisation rapides et incontrôlées dans la plupart des pays en voie de développement entraînent une pollution des sols, de l'air et de l'eau à un rythme que l'environnement naturel ne peut pas entièrement renouveler. Ces questions environnementales contemporaines ont attiré l'attention locale, nationale et internationale. Le problème de la gestion des déchets urbains est associé à une croissance démographique rapide dans les pays en voie de développement. Il s'agit des crises environnementales pertinentes de la durabilité et de l'assainissement en Afrique subsaharienne et dans d'autres pays du tiers monde. Malgré les efforts des différents paliers de gouvernement (le cas du Nigeria avec trois niveaux : gouvernement fédéral, État et collectivités locales) dans la gestion des déchets solides dans les centres urbains, il déborde toujours de décharges ouvertes, de petites rues et empiète sur les plans d'eau. Celles-ci affectent la qualité de la vie urbaine et l'environnement naturel. L'Afrique subsaharien et les autres pays en voie de développement connaissent une recrudescence de l'accumulation et de la diversité des déchets, notamment les déchets électroniques, les déchets de biomasse agricole et les déchets plastiques. La nécessité d'une gestion durable et efficace des déchets grâce à l'application du principe des 3R (réduire, réutiliser et recycler) est un élément essentiel pour la promotion des modes de consommation et de production durables. Cette étude a examiné la gestion des déchets dans l'État d'Imo, au Nigéria, en tant qu'aspect corrélé à la durabilité de son environnement. Matériaux et méthodes. Pour analyser la gestion des déchets en tant que corrélat de la durabilité environnementale, en Afrique subsaharienne, l'État d'Imo, dans l'est du Nigéria, a été choisie comme zone d'étude. Depuis sa création en 1976, des problèmes liés à la gestion des déchets et à leur impact sur l'environnement ont été signalés. Passant par l'État avec la capitale la plus propre en 1980 jusqu'à une « colline de fumier » en 2013 et une « capitale des déchets » le 1er Octobre 2016. Dans cet État, trois sites d'étude ont été sélectionnés - la métropole d'Owerri (la capitale de l'État), Orlu et Okigwe villes. Sur ces sites, les ménages, les zones commerciales, les établissements d'hébergement et de loisirs, les écoles ainsi que les dépotoirs ont été examinés afin de déterminer la composition, la quantité, la distribution, les types de traitement des déchets en relation avec la durabilité de l'environnement de l'État. Cela s'est fait de manière pratique mais aléatoire au moyen de questionnaires, d'entretiens, de discussions de groupe et d'observation non-participants ; ceux-ci ont tous été annoncés par un travail de bureau détaillé. Les données ont été entrées à l'aide de Microsoft Office Excel et ont été explorées et analysées à l'aide du progiciel statistique pour les sciences sociales – SPSS. Les données ont été constituées essentiellement de variables catégorielles et ont été analysées à l'aide de statistiques descriptives. L'association entre les variables catégorielles a été mesurée à l'aide de Cramer's V, le Chi-carré qui assure la puissance et la fiabilité du test. Cramer's V est une mesure de tests d'association directement intégrée à la tabulation croisée. Le test du Chi carré de proportions égales a été utilisé pour comparer les proportions des différences significatives à 0,05. Le paquet statistique - Epi Info 6.04d a également été utilisé, car il fallait créer un tableau de contingence à partir de plusieurs sous-sorties et déterminer l'étendue de l'association entre les catégories de rangées et de colonnes. La variable d'échelle « quantité de déchets générée » a été décrite à l'aide de mesures de tendance centrale. Il a été testé pour la normalité à l'aide des tests de Kolmogorov-Smirnov et Shapiro-Wilk ; dans tous les contextes, l'hypothèse de normalité a été violée (P<0,05). Cinq hypothèses nulles ont été testées à l'aide du modèle de régression logistique. Le pouvoir explicatif de la composante conceptuelle individuelle a été calculé à l'aide du Cox & Snell R2 et celui des indicateurs individuels a également été évalué à l'aide du test du ratio de vraisemblance (Likelihood Ratio test). Dans le cadre de ce travail, l'importance de la variabilité expliquée par le modèle (modèle de base) a été évaluée à l'aide des tests Omnibus des coefficients du modèle, l'ampleur de cette variabilité expliquée par le modèle utilisant le Cox & Snell R2 et les effets de prédicteurs utilisant le test du ratio de vraisemblance. Sur le plan qualitatif, les données d'éléments ouverts, des observations et les entretiens ont été analysées à l'aide du processus d'analyse thématique consistant à regrouper les concepts ou les idées sous des termes génériques ou des mots clés. Les résultats ont été présentés sous forme de tableaux, graphiques, photos et cartes. Constatations et discussions. L'ensemble des résultats et des analyses indique qu'une gestion appropriée des déchets dans l'État d'Imo, au Nigéria, a un impact positif sur l'environnement. Cela a été évalué par la sensibilisation de la communauté à la gestion des déchets via des sources telles que la radio et la télévision, son éducation sur la gestion des déchets et l'intégration de l'éducation à l'environnement dans son programme. Bien que la plupart des membres de la communauté aient perçu la détérioration de l'environnement de l'État par rapport à celui-ci environ 10 ans en arrière, alors qu'ils étaient conscients de la nécessité de prendre des mesures adéquates pour la gestion des déchets, l'environnement a été décrit comme étant meilleur. Cette influence de la sensibilisation et de l'éducation environnementales sur la durabilité environnementale, évaluée à l'aide du modèle de régression logistique, traduit une variabilité significative (tests Omnibus des coefficients de modèle : χ2 = 42,742; P = 0,014), ce qui en déduit que la sensibilisation et l'éducation environnementales prédisent de manière significative la durabilité environnementale. Les résultats ont également révélé que la génération de déchets organiques était le fer de lance des autres types de déchets tels que le papier, le plastique, les déchets électroniques, le métal, le textile et le verre. Alors que les ramasseurs de déchets triaient toujours le papier, les plastiques, l'aluminium et le métal, certains d'entre eux triaient également le textile et le verre. Statistiquement (P <0,05), dans les situations où la production de déchets était la plus faible (1 à 2 kg par jour), les membres de la communauté ont affirmé que la qualité de l'environnement était meilleure par rapport à 10 ans en arrière. Les déchets tels que le verre brisé et le textile ainsi que le reste de déchets électroniques après l'extraction du cuivre et du laiton n'étaient pas triés et ceux-ci contribuaient davantage à la dégradation de l'environnement. De même, l'influence de la richesse sur la durabilité de l'environnement a été évaluée à l'aide du modèle de régression logistique, notamment des indicateurs liés à l'indice de développement, tels que l'éducation, la profession, le revenu et la capacité de payer pour l'élimination des déchets. En harmonisant les résultats, les agriculteurs, qui étaient pour la plupart les moins scolarisés, ont affirmé qu'ils remarquaient une amélioration de l'environnement. De plus, ceux qui n'acceptaient pas de payer pour l'élimination des déchets et qui étaient pour la plupart ceux ayant un faible revenu (moins de 200 000 nairas, soit 620 € par mois) percevaient une amélioration de l'environnement davantage que ceux ayant un revenu supérieur à 200 000 naira. Cette contradiction peut être attribuée au fait que ceux qui ont un faible niveau d'éducation n'ont pas la capacité d'apprécier les indicateurs de durabilité environnementale ainsi que ceux qui ont une formation plus approfondie avec une pensée critique. Les opportunités d'emploi et de réduction de la pauvreté liées à la gestion des déchets sur la durabilité environnementale ont été évaluées à l'aide d'une analyse thématique qualitative. Tous les membres de la communauté impliqués dans le tri, l'achat et la vente de déchets n'avaient pas de second emploi. Ils ont attesté que les revenus de leurs activités ont permis de maintenir leurs moyens de subsistance et leurs familles. Certains ont exprimé leur amour pour le travail, d'autant plus qu'ils étaient leurs propres maîtres. La collecte et le commerce des déchets offrent des possibilités d'emploi à de nombreuses communautés du monde entier. Par exemple, dans le recyclage des déchets, le compostage des déchets, usines d'incinération des déchets (les installations de valorisation énergétique des déchets) et 'die Stadtreiniger' dans la ville de Würzburg. Les travailleurs de ces entreprises ont des emplois grâce aux déchets. L'influence de l'élimination des déchets sur la durabilité de l'environnement a été évaluée à l'aide du modèle de régression logistique binaire et la variabilité expliquée par le modèle était significative. La validité était également étayée par les statistiques de Wald (P <0,05), qui indiquent que l'effet des prédicteurs est significatif. La durabilité environnementale dépendait en grande partie d'indicateurs tels que la fréquence à laquelle les membres de la communauté vidaient leurs poubelles ; comment / où les déchets sont éliminés, disponibilité de dépotoirs ou de poubelles publiques à proximité de la maison, etc. Les habitants qui prétendaient avoir des poubelles publiques ou des dépotoirs à proximité de leurs maisons ont dit de leur qualité de l'environnement que celle-ci se détériorait, car ces sites étaient nauséabonds, avaient des animaux et de la fumée autour d'eux. Ces habitants se sont également plaints de diarrhée, (de) catarrhe, (de) piqûres d'insectes et (de) morsures d'animaux, de paludisme et d´air puant. Conclusions. La liaison entre les stratégies de gestion des déchets médiocres et la durabilité de l'environnement de l'État d'Imo a été jugée probable : inefficacité statistiquement significative, manque de sensibilisation, pauvreté, mesures de gestion des déchets insuffisantes et irréalistes ont été trouvées dans cette zone d'étude. Dans ces situations, l'environnement ne s'est pas amélioré. Ces insuffisances dans la gestion des déchets générés exposaient non seulement les citoyens à des risques pour la santé, mais donnaient également lieu à des rues et à des routes caractérisées par la saleté et à de nombreux dépotoirs sans surveillance, dégageant une odeur désastreuse pour l'environnement et attirant des animaux sauvages. Cette situation prévaut non seulement dans l'État d'Imo, au Nigéria, mais dans de nombreuses villes d'Afrique subsaharienne. Perspectives d'avenir. Pour améliorer l'environnement en Afrique subsaharienne, il est impératif de mettre en œuvre un système de gestion des déchets durable et inclusif. La quantité de déchets dans cette région augmente rapidement, en particulier les déchets alimentaires / organiques. La région devrait viser des lois sur la gestion des déchets et des stratégies de réduction des déchets, qui contribueront à économiser et à produire plus d´ aliments dont elle a réellement besoin. La gestion des déchets doit être dissociée d'épidémies telles que le choléra, la typhoïde, la fièvre de Lassa et le paludisme, dont les vecteurs se développent bien dans des environnements immondes. Les canaux et les plans d'eau ne doivent pas être des canaux d'évacuation de déchets ou des sites de décharge d´ ordures.

This paper analyzes the transfer and spread of laparoscopy in Korea in the 1970–80s and its impact on Korean society from a historical perspective. It raises three questions: first, what was the reason that laparoscopy was introduced and spread in Korea, even though other contraceptive technologies were already in use? Second, what was the impact of laparoscopy on the Family Planning Program in Korea? Third, what subsequent effect did laparoscopy have on obstetricians in Korea? To clarify these points, this study examines government documents, NGO reports, and medical research papers produced in Korea and the United States of America (USA). There were three main reasons due to which laparoscopy was introduced and spread in Korea. Firstly, it was the necessity and the possibility of new contraceptive technology. The limitations of existing contraceptive technology led to the need for tubal sterilization. Intrauterine devices and oral contraceptives caused many side effects due to defects in the technology itself and baseless target amount; additionally, they were a substantial economic burden due to their long-term costs. Vasectomy and artificial abortion were suggested as alternatives, but the limitations were obvious; vasectomy could not overcome the psychological resistance among males, while artificial abortion was vulnerable to the ethical condemnation of sacrificing life. As intrauterine devices, oral contraceptives, vasectomy, and artificial abortion exposed several limitations, tubal sterilization, which had not been discussed as an alternative, began to emerge as a viable method. The Hospital Family Planning Program and the introduction of laparoscopy realized and expanded the possibilities of tubal sterilization, which until the early 1970s had been a difficult surgery, only available at hospital-level institutions. This constraint was resolved with the implementation of the Hospital Family Planning Program in response to the rise of the urban population problem. As hospitals, concentrated in cities, emerged as new centers of family planning, the technological limitations blocking the spread of tubal sterilization were naturally solved; further, laparoscopic surgery, introduced in the mid-1970s, expanded possibilities of tubal sterilization. With the introduction of laparoscopy, tubal sterilization changed from a complicated surgery requiring hospital-level institutions to a simple surgery available at clinic-level institutions. With both necessity and possibility in place, tubal sterilization became a key means of the Family Planning Program. The second reason is that laparoscopy met the interests of the governments and medical professionals of both the USA and Korea. In the late 1960s, the governments of both countries sought new means to replace the existing contraceptive technologies. As mentioned above, intrauterine devices and oral contraceptives caused frequent side effects and were quite expensive. Under these circumstances, laparoscopy emerged as a groundbreaking technology for popularizing tubal sterilization, decreasing the difficulty of the operation and increasing its safety. Although the problem of its high initial cost remained, a single surgery could have a permanent contraceptive effect, thus, it seemed to be an economical option. For both governments, laparoscopy was an excellent technical solution to overcome the technological and economic limitations of existing contraceptive technologies. Laparoscopy also met the interests of medical practitioners in both countries. Obstetricians in developed countries, leading the development and diffusion of contraceptive technology, were able to secure huge amounts of clinical cases through worldwide population control projects. Proving the effectiveness of new medical technologies required a sufficient number of cases; however, this was not an easy task in developed countries, where population problems were not prominent. The solution was the 'extension of the operating room.' If the surgical procedure could be standardized and the results could be reported in a systemized format, cases could be collected easily from various countries. Medical professionals in Korea also saw their benefits. Based on the network between Korea and the USA through the standardization of laparoscopic surgery, obstetricians in the former country received technology transfer and exerted authority as experienced surgeons. Behind the Johns Hopkins Program for International Education in Gynecology and Obstetrics lay the overlapping interests of the governments and medical professionals of both countries. Lastly, laparoscopy was technically improved to suit the situation of developing countries. When first used for tubal sterilization, laparoscopy was not an appropriate technique to be used in developing countries as it was neither safe nor cheap. Laparoscopic surgeries sometimes caused complications, such as perforation of the small intestine; furthermore, in developing countries, where medical personnel and facilities were scarce, such complications could threaten the lives of the patients. The lack of safety was a major flaw preventing the spread of laparoscopic sterilization, as it could not be implemented at the expense of people's lives. The complexity and low economic efficiency of laparoscopy were also problematic. Although it was simple and inexpensive compared to open surgery, it was still complex and too expensive to be widely used in developing countries. To solve these problems, public and private organizations such as the United States Agency for International Development and the Ford Foundation, and several medical professionals dove into the improvement of laparoscopy; consequently, laparoscopy became affordable and safe enough for developing countries. With three conditions in place, the necessity and the possibility for tubal sterilization, overlapping of the interests in technology transfer, and technological improvement to suit the environment of the developing countries, laparoscopy could be transferred and spread rapidly. After laparoscopy was introduced in Korea, laparoscopic tubal sterilization quickly matched other contraceptive techniques and finally outpaced them in the early 1980s. The second and third questions correspond to the influence of laparoscopy on Korean society. Regarding the impact on the Family Planning Program, laparoscopy solidified and deepened the male-dominant gender order. The Family Planning Program had always targeted women. It was the result of the consensus of the two major powers, namely, government officials and doctors; most government officials viewed family planning as the job of a 'housewife,' and doctors also focused mostly on female contraception. It is no exaggeration to state that the Family Planning Program was a project to spread female contraceptive technologies. The budget was focused on the dissemination of intrauterine devices and oral contraceptives rather than vasectomy; in turn, it became evidence proving the effectiveness of targeting women, fixing them the subject of the program. Laparoscopy consolidated this flow. The side effects of intrauterine devices and oral contraceptives, ironically, could resolve gender inequality in family planning strategies. As the sustainability of the program became uncertain, a group of bureaucrats and doctors who had shifted all responsibility to women began to reorient the plan toward vasectomy. With the introduction of laparoscopy, however, the plan focused on women again. As laparoscopy popularized tubal sterilization, political will toward vasectomy decreased accordingly. In the circular logic by which the availability of technology determined the direction of the policy, and such policy proved the value of technology, women became the set target of the Family Planning Program, and laparoscopy became a driving force to maintain this vicious circle. The same was true for the initiative of the Family Planning Program. The program was designed and implemented by male doctors and policy-makers from the beginning. The women's birth control movement, which existed until the end of the 1950s, came to an end with the military coup. The military regime excluded female organizations from the program, and the international organizations represented by the International Planned Parenthood Federation focused on population control projects under the order of Cold War rather than women's right to control childbirth according to their will. Given the change of circumstances, the initiative of the plan was transferred to a group of male doctors who had acquired knowledge of preventive medicine, population theory, and had become proficient in English by studying abroad; they emerged as a point of contact between the international order and Korea. Furthermore, they took over key posts in the public and private sectors. The introduction of laparoscopy strengthened the male dominance of the program. In the 1960s, although a group of male doctors led the plan's design and supervision, it was the women who were tasked with its implementation in the field. Family planning agents were in charge of inserting the intrauterine devices and providing guidance on the usage of oral contraceptives as well as promoting and enlightening the program. The situation changed with the popularization of laparoscopic tubal sterilization. As the program was reorganized to focus on laparoscopic surgery, the role of female agents was reduced to promoting the new technology, while obstetricians—predominantly male—emerged as the main actors intervening in women's bodies. Thus, laparoscopy was a technology that reproduced and reinforced gender inequality in terms of the plan's targets and initiatives. Laparoscopy also had an impact on the Korean obstetrician community. In short, it was the basis of technological catch-up. Elite obstetricians in Korea who joined the international trends of obstetrics continued to face new technologies, such as surgical microscopes used for microsurgery (e.g., tubal reanastomosis) and in vitro fertilization (IVF). Encouraged by the introduction of laparoscopy, obstetricians in Korea once again tried to keep up with the trends in global obstetrics and attained some success. This was because laparoscopy created the necessity and the possibility of technological catch-up. The popularization of laparoscopic tubal sterilization meant an increase in the demand to restore fertility. Although the proportion of those who wanted reversal surgery was not significantly high, the absolute number was not small because sterilization was performed on hundreds of thousands of people every year. This resulted in the demand for tubal reanastomosis and IVF. Laparoscopy created the possibility of introducing new reproductive technologies also. Microscopic tubal reversal was transferred to Korea through the same network by which laparoscopic tubal sterilization had been introduced. The main agents of technical education and financial support, and the operation of the training programs, were identical. The case of IVF was slightly different. In the case of IVF, universities and laboratories were competing to achieve success first. In this competitive structure, nobody wanted to disclose their technology; therefore, it was not easy for medical professionals of developing countries to go abroad to learn new skills. However, the human network established during the introduction of laparoscopy enabled many Korean obstetricians to seek training overseas, thereby introducing IVF technology to Korea. In conclusion, laparoscopy was developed and spread through the unique social structures of the time, whilst reproducing and strengthening them at the same time. First, in the political order of the Cold War, laparoscopy was rediscovered and improved as a means of intervening in the population of developing countries and then became the basis for the continuation of population control projects. Second, in the patriarchal setup of Korea, laparoscopy was introduced through the Family Planning Program assuming women as the main target of the program; further, the spread of laparoscopic sterilization circularly strengthened this assumption and the dominance of male doctors. Finally, in the context of the aspirations to high technologies of medical professionals in Korea, laparoscopy could defeat competing technologies and spread quickly; moreover, it functioned as a basis for technological catch-up. In short, laparoscopy was a technology that mediated and reinforced the multilayered structures of the Cold War, gender politics, and technological aspirations. 이 논문은 1970년대와 1980년대 한국에서 복강경 기술이 도입되고 확산하는 과정과 그것이 한국 사회에 미친 영향을 역사적으로 분석하였다. 문제의식은 다음의 세 가지였다. 첫 번째, 이미 다른 피임 기술이 보급되어 있던 상황에서, 복강경 기술이 한국으로 도입되고 확산할 수 있었던 까닭은 무엇인가. 두 번째, 이렇게 도입되고 확산한 복강경 기술은 한국 가족계획 사업에 어떤 영향을 주었는가. 세 번째, 복강경 기술은 이후 한국의 산부인과학계에 어떠한 영향을 주었는가. 이를 밝히기 위해 1970년대와 1980년대 당시 한국과 미국에서 생산된 여러 정부 문건과 비정부기구 보고서, 의학 연구 논문 등을 살펴보았으며, 그러한 탐구의 결과 다음과 같은 결론을 내릴 수 있었다. 먼저 복강경 기술이 한국으로 도입되고 확산할 수 있었던 이유는 크게 세 가지였다. 첫 번째는 난관 불임 수술이라는 새로운 피임 기술의 필요성과 가능성이 갖추어졌기 때문이다. 1970년대에 들어서면서 기존에 사용되던 자궁내장치와 경구피임약, 정관 불임 수술 등의 방법은 기술 자체의 결함과 근거 없는 목표량 설정에 따른 잦은 부작용, 심리적 저항 등의 한계를 노출했다. 이에 따라 많은 의학자와 인구학자는 난관 불임 수술이라는 대안 기술에 주목했다. 물론 난관 불임 수술은 수술실과 입원실이라는 물적 조건을 갖춘 병원에서만 시행 가능한 까다로운 기술이었다. 하지만 한국의 경우 도시 가족계획 사업의 시행으로 병원이 사업의 새로운 중심으로 부상하고, 여기에 1970년대 중반에 도입된 복강경이 수술의 물적 조건을 완화하면서, 이러한 한계는 상당 부분 극복될 수 있었다. 두 번째는 복강경 기술이 미국과 한국 양국 정부와 의학자의 이해관계에 고루 부합하였기 때문이다. 기존의 피임 기술이 한계를 노출하는 상황 속에서, 미국 정부와 한국 정부는 복강경 난관 불임 수술을 시행함으로써 인구 조절 사업을 통한 자유 진영의 수호와 경제 개발 계획을 지속할 수 있었다. 복강경 기술은 양국 의학자의 이해에도 합치하였다. 피임 기술의 개발과 확산을 주도하던 선진국의 여러 의학자는 수술법을 표준화하여 보급하고 규격화된 양식으로 결과를 보고받는 '수술실의 확장'을 통해 막대한 양의 임상례를 확보할 수 있었다. 한국의 의학자 역시 복강경 수술의 표준화로 이어진 양국의 연결망을 바탕으로 선진국의 기술을 이전받는 동시에, 다량의 임상례를 생산하는 자로서의 권위를 누릴 수 있었다. 마지막은 복강경이 개발도상국의 상황에 맞게 개량되었기 때문이다. 난관 불임 수술에 사용되기 시작한 초기만 해도, 복강경은 개발도상국의 환경에 적합한 기술이 아니었다. 복강경은 기대만큼 안전하지도, 기대만큼 저렴하지도 못했다. 이를 해결하기 위하여, 국제개발처와 포드 재단 등의 관민 기관과 여러 의학자가 복강경의 개량에 뛰어들었다. 복잡한 부품은 간단한 부품으로 교체되었고, 위험한 방식은 안전한 방식으로 대체되었다. 이렇게 난관 불임 수술의 필요성과 가능성이 갖추어지고, 기술 이전을 향한 이해관계가 중첩되는 동시에, 이전 대상국의 환경에 따라 복강경이 개량됨에 따라, 복강경은 급속도로 이전되고 확산할 수 있었다. 한국에 복강경 기술이 이전된 이후 복강경을 이용한 난관 불임 수술은 다른 피임 기술을 빠르게 추격하였고, 마침내 1980년대 초반에 이르러 수위(首位)를 차지했다. 두 번째와 세 번째 문제의식은 복강경 기술이 한국 사회에 미친 영향에 해당한다. 먼저 가족계획 사업에 끼친 영향이다. 요컨대 복강경은 남성으로 치우친 사업의 젠더 질서를 고착화하고 심화하였다. 복강경은 사업의 대상을 여성으로 고정하는 결과를 가져왔다. 사업을 주도하던 양대 세력인 정부 관료와 의사 집단은 사업의 초기부터 줄곧 여성을 대상으로 삼았다. 자궁내장치와 경구피임약의 확산이 정체하면서 정관 불임 수술이 대안으로 떠올랐지만, 복강경의 도입과 함께 사업은 다시 여성으로 집중되었다. 사업의 주도권 역시 마찬가지였다. 남성 의사 집단이 사업의 설계와 감독을 주도하였지만, 복강경이 도입되기 전까지만 해도 현장에서의 실행만큼은 여성의 몫이었다. 그러나 사업이 복강경을 중심으로 재편되며 여성 요원의 역할은 새로운 기술을 홍보하고 안내하는 수준으로 축소되었고, 남성이 다수이던 산부인과 의사가 여성의 신체에 개입하는 주요 행위자가 되었다. 이렇게 복강경은 사업의 대상과 주도권의 측면에서, 젠더 불평등을 재생산하고 확대하였다. 다음은 복강경 기술이 한국 산부인과학계에 미친 영향이다. 복강경을 계기로 산부인과학의 국제적 조류에 합류한 한국의 엘리트 산부인과 의사는 계속해서 수술 현미경이나 체외수정과 같은 새로운 기술을 도입하였다. 이는 복강경이 기술 추격의 필요성과 가능성을 만들어낸 결과였다. 먼저 복강경은 신기술이 도입되어야 할 필요성을 창출했다. 복강경의 확산에 따른 난관 불임 수술의 보급은 다시 생식능력을 복원하려는 수요의 성장으로 이어졌다. 복강경은 새로운 기술이 도입되는 가능성이기도 했다. 현미경을 이용한 난관 복원 수술은 복강경 난관 불임 수술을 도입하던 연결망을 통해 한국으로 이전되었고, 체외 수정 역시 복강경 기술의 이전 과정에서 생성된 인적 연결망을 바탕으로 도입될 수 있었다. 이처럼 복강경은 당대의 고유한 사회 구조를 매개로 만들어지고 퍼져 나갔고, 동시에 이러한 구조를 재생산하고 강화하였다. 먼저 오래된 기술인 복강경은 냉전의 정치 상황 속에서 개발도상국의 인구에 개입하는 수단으로 재조명되며 비로소 개량될 수 있었고, 이렇게 개량되어 보급됨으로써 다시 인구 조절 사업을 이어나가는 바탕이 되었다. 또한 남성으로 치우친 한국의 젠더 질서 속에서 복강경은 여성을 사업의 주요 대상으로 상정하는 사업 기조를 매개로 한국에 도입되어, 다시금 여성을 사업의 대상으로 고정하는 동시에, 남성 의사의 주도권을 강화하기도 했다. 마지막으로 복강경은 선진국을 향한 여러 엘리트 의학자의 열망에 힘입어 빠르게 이전되고 확산하였으며, 이는 이후 수술 현미경과 체외수정 기술을 추격하는 기반으로 작동하였다. 요컨대 복강경은 냉전과 젠더 불평등, 그리고 선진 기술을 향한 선망이라는 당대의 구조를 매개하고 강화하는 기술이었다. ; open ; 박사

The COVID-19 pandemic restrictions introduced in 2020 in many countries on economic activity and gainful employment have in many cases, reduced the incomes of individual households. As a result, the actual ability to meet credit obligations has declined, particularly for those who have lost their jobs or livelihoods. The COVID-19 pandemic has become a significant challenge for economies, national authorities, and entrepreneurs, including borrowers. This article aims to analyse the legal regulations in Poland, and Vietnam, introducing instruments to support borrowers, consumers, and entrepreneurs, in connection with the COVID-19 pandemic. The authors will present the legal basis for the instruments to support borrowers provided in the studied countries, indicate their legal nature, forms, and conditions of using them. They also compare legal solutions introduced in connection with the pandemic aimed at mitigating its adverse effects on borrowers in Poland, and Vietnam, to indicate whether cultural differences and differences in legal systems, as well as individual approaches to the domestic credit market, affected the choice of legal instruments for supporting borrowers in connection with the COVID-19 pandemic, or not. ; Edyta Rutkowska-Tomaszewska: edyta.rutkowska-tomaszewska@uwr.edu.pl ; Marta Stanisławska: mmstanislawska@gmail.com ; Hien Thuc Trinh: hientt@uel.edu.vn ; Edyta Rutkowska-Tomaszewska is Associate Professor and the University of Wroclaw and the Head of the Department of Finance Management at the Institute of Economic Sciences, Faculty of Law, Administration and Economics, University of Wroclaw, Poland. ; Marta Stanisławska is Assistant Professor in the Department of Economy and Finance, Faculty of Technical and Economic Sciences, Witelon State University of Applied Sciences in Legnica, Poland. ; Hien Trinh, PhD in Law, Lecturer in the Institute of International and Comparative Law, University of Economics and Law, Vietnam National University, Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam. ; Edyta Rutkowska-Tomaszewska - University of Wroclaw, Poland ; Marta Stanisławska - Witelon State University of Applied Sciences in Legnica, Poland ; Hien Thuc Trinh - University of Economics and Law, Vietnam National University Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam ; Access to commercial finance for SMEs with the support of public institutions, https://alebank.pl/dostep-mmsp-do-fi nansowania-komercyjnego-ze-wsparciem-instytucji-publicznych/?id=376412&catid=22872&cat2id=25928. ; Acharya V.V., Engle III R.F., Steffen S., Why did bank stocks crash during COVID-19?, "National Bureau of Economic Research" 2021, https://www.nber.org/papers/w28559. ; Aji B.S., Warka M., Kongres E., Credit Dispute Resolution through Banking Mediation during Covid-19 Pandemic Situation, Budapest International Research and Critics Institute-Journal, https://doi.org/10.33258/birci.v4i2.1823. ; Baicu. 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Provision of safe drinking water is a basic necessity and has been a major topic for key political discourses in the country over the last decade. The Government of India has been focusing on safe drinking water since 1972-73 when it introduced the Accelerated Rural Water Supply Program (ARWSP) to assist States and Union Territories to accelerate the coverage of drinking water in the country. Despite increased outlays since then, access to safe drinking water in India remains a challenge. Apart from access, water quality and sustainability of resources (water points and infrastructure developed) are issues of major concern. The National Rural Drinking Water Program (NRDWP), which is supplementing the efforts of the State Governments by providing technical and financial assistance, is looking at rural drinking water from a holistic viewpoint. The Ministry has shifted its focus from hand pumps to piped water supply systems with the aim of providing monitored clean water and is focusing on those States which have low levels of piped water supply. The Water and Sanitation Program has compiled an excellent collection of success stories and best practices from the States of Kerala, Karnataka, Maharashtra, Gujarat, Jharkhand, Punjab and Uttarakhand which address these key constraints. Some of these success stories, such as the Asoga village intervention in Karnataka which showcases a unique demand driven approach to facilitate participatory decision making leading to community ownership, the Bidholi piped water supply scheme in Uttarakhand which manages and recovers 100 per cent operation and maintenance costs from the community, the Shikayat Nivaran Kendra experiment in Punjab which uses information technology for online web enabled centralised complaint redressal and the Water and Sanitation Management Organisation experiment in Gujarat where the registered body acts as a facilitator in developing water and sanitation facilities owned and managed by communities, are all outstanding examples of how to address various challenges and shortcomings the program is facing.