In contrast with China's coastal regions, where rural urbanisation has largely been a result of industrialisation, urbanisa- tion in the once predominantly rural towns of the interior is sometimes driven by local government policies. This article focuses on a case study of Zhongdian (Shangri-la), where urbanisation has mainly been driven by tourism. It shows that while the problem of land seizures has been generally less violent in this sparsely populated area of the interior, the urbanisation of this ethnically diverse area of northern Yunnan has generated a distinct set of problems. While local officials have strong incentives to pursue policies that pro- mote urbanisation, they have few incentives to pursue policies that promote equal access to the new economic opportunities that ac- company urbanisation.
New private property investments in Africa's cities are on the rise, and they often take the form of entirely new cities built up from scratch as comprehensively planned self-contained enclaves. As these new city-making trajectories are expanding and empirical research is emerging, there is a need to provide more conceptual clarity. We systematically examine the diversity of new cities in Africa; elicit their financial trajectories; and set an agenda for critically examining their actual and expected implications, by learning transnational lessons from debates on gated communities, peri-urban land governance and displacement, and older waves of new city building. Although most new cities are private-led projects, they are inserted into diverse and dynamic political economies with states ranging from developmentalist to neoliberal to absent. The consumptive and supply-driven character of many projects so far (resembling gated communities for middle and higher classes), their insertion into 'rurban' spaces with complex land governance arrangements, and their tendency to implement post-democratic private-sector-driven governance will make them at best unsuitable for solving Africa's urban problems, and at worst they will increase expulsions and enclosures of the poor, public funding injustice and socio-spatial segregation and fragmentation.
New private property investments in Africa's cities are on the rise, and they often take the form of entirely new cities built up from scratch as comprehensively planned self-contained enclaves. As these new city-making trajectories are expanding and empirical research is emerging, there is a need to provide more conceptual clarity. We systematically examine the diversity of new cities in Africa; elicit their financial trajectories; and set an agenda for critically examining their actual and expected implications, by learning transnational lessons from debates on gated communities, peri-urban land governance and displacement, and older waves of new city building. Although most new cities are private-led projects, they are inserted into diverse and dynamic political economies with states ranging from developmentalist to neoliberal to absent. The consumptive and supply-driven character of many projects so far (resembling gated communities for middle and higher classes), their insertion into 'rurban' spaces with complex land governance arrangements, and their tendency to implement post-democratic private-sector-driven governance will make them at best unsuitable for solving Africa's urban problems, and at worst they will increase expulsions and enclosures of the poor, public funding injustice and socio-spatial segregation and fragmentation.
India, a country with a vast land area and population, has crossed the 30% level only in terms of urbanization as per its latest census in 2011. The Census authority identifies urban areas in the country on the basis of either of the following two criteria: a) All the settlements having any form of local government are called statutory towns; b) Apart from these statutory towns, Census authority of India declares some areas as towns if they satisfy the following three criteria simultaneously: i) size criterion: the population of the area must be at least 5000. ii) density criterion: the density of population in the area should be at least 1000 persons per sq. kilometre. iii) occupation criterion: at least 75 percent of the male workforce should be engaged in the non-agricultural activities. Towns identified by the second criterion (b) are called census towns. The average level of urbanisation hardly says anything about the regional diversity in urbanisation in the country. The smaller city states (e.g. Delhi, Chandigarh and Goa) have urbanisation level nearly 100 percent. Among the large states the highest level of urbanisation in the southern state of Tamil Nadu, followed by western states of Maharashtra and Gujarat. This regional diversity in the level (and also rate) of urbanisation partly resulted by the colonial legacy, partly by the forces affecting the process of urbanisation and partly by the post-independence experience of India in economic growth and development. India was rightly designated as a ?land of villages' for a long time as a major part of its Gross Domestic Product came from primary sector and more than two-third of the population was engaged there. But the picture started to change after 1991, when the country started to move from the centrally planned model to the globalised-liberalised era. For the last twenty years, the growth in the country has been through the expansion of tertiary activities, especially the service sector. Now, more than 60% of the Gross Domestic Product is generated in the urban centres. The impact of such a change is manifested in the rate of urbanisation in the last decade. For the first time in the post-independence period, the rate of growth of urban population has surpassed their rural counterpart. Another manifestation is in the emergence of new census towns in the country. The last decade saw the emergence of more than 2500 new towns, which is more than hat emerged in the preceding century (1901-2001). But a look into the state-level data, show some interesting variations. This paper will look into the spatial spread of new towns from a perspective of regional economy and attempt to provide some explanation of the wide-spread variation.
Between 1990 and 2030, the UN estimates that global population will increase by nearly four billion. Ninety per cent of this increase will be in developing countries, of which ninety per cent will be in urban areas. Such a radical transformation in the way that most of the world's people live will place huge strains on basic services such as water; sanitation and shelter. However; rapid urbanisation creates great potential for economic growth and development. This potential must be managed to minimise the urbanisation of poverty. As the majority of the world's poor will soon live in urban rather than rural areas, Australia's overseas aid program must respond to this shift. Although the primary sources for urban investment will be from the national governments and the private sector, aid can act as an important catalyst in improving urban living standards. The Australian Agency for International Development (AusAID) facilitates the use of Australian expertise and materials to address these challenges through better urban management.
The objective of this paper is to examine the relation between the pace of urbanisation and growth of slum population in Jharkhand. This paper also attempts to analyse the trends and patterns of growth of slum population at the district level in Jharkhand. In terms of urbanisation process of India, slums have become an integral part of urban scenario. In India, rapid growth of slums is the result of rural-urban migration of the rural poor to the cities/towns in search of employment in the last two decades. In the absence of any affordable housing, there has been growth of slums in the urban areas of the country. In India, out of a total population of 1.21 billion, 31.30% population resides in the urban areas, but 21.68% (61.8 million) of the total urban population live in the slums. Slums are considered as a major problem within the urban areas, particularly in relation to the issues of transportation, population growth, health and safety. The developing states or regions of India are more prone to this problem due to the lack of infrastructural development and heavy urban population pressure. Like other states of India, Jharkhand too is facing the problem of slums. After its separation from Bihar in 2000, the rate of urbanisation and the rate of growth of slums had gone high. The study reveals that in 2001, there were only 11 urban centers consisting of slum population but in 2011, it reached to 31. The slum population registers 23.68% growth while the urban population growth stands at 32%. This paper is primarily based on secondary data collected from different governmental agencies, particularly the Census data of population to analyse the spatial distribution of slum population in the districts of Jharkhand. This study explores the changing urbanisation scenario in Jharkhand and the growth of slums with respect to it.
Despite the notable successes of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) activism in the region, individual European countries have varied considerably in the extent and speed with which they have adopted legislation to recognise the rights of their LGBTI citizens. Scholars have often turned to modernisation theory to explain these variable outcomes and argue that high levels of national wealth are an important factor in the success of LGBTI movements. Although the correlation between modernity, economic development and tolerance of LGBTI lifestyles is often treated as a truism in the literature, scholars have paid less attention to the precise mechanisms by which the complex processes associated with modernisation facilitate policy change. Drawing on the classic works of both modernisation theory and gay and lesbian history, we examine a less explored route by which modernisation leads to the expansion of LGBTI rights. Specifically, we posit that urbanisation facilitates the adoption of rights policies by strengthening LGBTI movements and enhancing their political effectiveness. To test this proposition, we use event history analysis and an original dataset that contains measures for institutional, cultural, economic and movement variables, as well as measures of urbanisation in 44 European countries between 1980 and 2015. Our findings support the contention that urbanisation has a strong effect on the formation of LGBTI movement organisations as well as the speed with which European states adopt both same‐sex union and anti‐discrimination legislation. The relationship between urbanisation and rights expansion persists even after controlling for a country's level of wealth, religious adherence and the influence of European institutions and norms.
Bibliography: leaves 187-197. ; Botswana has been considered as one of the few post-independence development successes in Africa. The country's recent status is attributable to the growth of the minerals sector, with diamonds and copper/nickel matte forming the basis of exports and government development revenues. Mining has not only been responsible for boosting export earnings, but has also stimulated most recent urbanisation, resulting in the some of the highest urban growth rates in sub-Saharan Africa. The problem of urban in-migration has been compounded by a bias in development expenditure, with the towns receiving a disproportionately large share of scarce resources. All new towns since independence have been established as service centres for the mines, with limited wider development occurring. Resultant vulnerability and instability in the urban sphere has been reflected in the case of Selebi-Phikwe, where a decline in the copper/nickel industry has threatened the future integrity of the town. That mining has not contributed towards development which is sustainable over the long terms calls into question, the resilience of Botswana's progress. A political-economic analysis of the development history of Botswana indicates a continuity between colonial neglect and the migrant labour system, and the current problems of dependence on the mining sector and external employment opportunities. The reasons for the dearth in diversified productive activity in mining towns in Botswana are related to an externally orientated development policy, with dependence on the world mineral markets. As the mining industry is based on the extraction of finite, non-renewable resources and is susceptible to fluctuations in mineral pricing, towns exclusively based on mining are latently unstable and have similarly finite lives. The problem is compounded by the lack of a local entrepreneurial class capable of stimulating the 'modern' sector which is related to the historical lack of an urban elite in the country. Given that there has been minimal associated development of productive opportunities outside of the primary sector in Selebi-Phikwe, the Government has instituted a crisis management strategy to deal with the situation. Proposals to diversify the economic base of Selebi-Phikwe are focused on attracting foreign investment, as a means of stimulating local, export-orientated industrialisation. As the incentives for locating in the town are primarily based on cheap, malleable, labour supplies, transnational investment is likely to be of a highly mobile nature and is unlikely to sustain employment and development in Selebi-Phikwe Certain conclusions are drawn from the experience of Selebi-Phikwe: Firstly, the problem of continuity in Selebi-Phikwe has historical roots indicating that short term panaceas are unlikely and that structural solutions are needed. Secondly, the town's fate holds important implications for the maintenance and support of the wider urban system in Botswana. Thirdly, expectations of indefinite economic prosperity have been generated in part, by continual Government emphasis on urban infrastructural development, something which is potentially problematic given the potential for urban discontinuity. A more rational evaluation of the urban sector in Botswana is required. With the precarious foundations of urbanisation in Botswana borne in mind, surplus revenues generated by mining should be channelled into rural employment creation rather than urban areas. An approach which treats the urban question in its entirety is required. There is thus a real need for a national development programme which integrates population and environmental policy with rural and urban sector planning, and which bases future development on the criteria of equity and sustainability.
Hanoi owns a huge variety of urban architectural heritages that have a good value in community life and serve certain functions in the city' s spatial organisation. Despite great effort from the State, preservation is still a challenging task. In the context of rapid development, especially after the Renovation policy in 1986, Hanoi has raised the need to protect not only existing single heritage values but also their dynamic surrounding spaces. These elements have been "encroached", "occupied", threatening "heritage messages". Thereby, heritage issues are not only related to the value of each single building itself, but they are also an issue of urban life. Heritages are a component of the urban development context. Their influence and relation with other urban elements, including a dynamic life and diverse needs of the community, is undeniable. To complete the thesis, field surveys were conducted at heritage sites located at typical areas for city urbanisation, community interaction and urban development context. This helps to identify heritage issues such as heritage features, heritage value, mutual relationship between heritage -community -urban development, positive and negative changes of heritages, other relevant factors from community groups. Accordingly, the thesis puts forward suggestions to preserve heritages in the context of urban development, to encourage community participation and to balance the need for preservation and the constraints of city development. Developing the interaction space between heritage and community, setting up a Heritage Forum to enhance the sharing of heritage information among community groups, making policies based on market demand and the actual needs of different target groups. are among the suggested directions. ; Hanoï possède une grande variété de patrimoines architecturaux urbains qui jouissent d'une grande valeur dans la vie communautaire et assurent certaines fonctions dans l'organisation spatiale de la ville. En dépit de grands efforts de l'État, la préservation est encore une tâche difficile. Dans le contexte d'un développement rapide, surtout après la politique de Renouveau en 1986, Hanoï a montré la nécessité de protéger non seulement les valeurs existantes d'un patrimoine isolé, mais aussi leurs dynamiques espaces environnants. Ces éléments se sont trouvés «empiétés», «occupés», menaçant les «messages patrimoniaux». De ce fait, les problèmes patrimoniaux ne sont pas seulement liés à la valeur de chaque bâtiment en soi, mais ils sont également une problématique de la vie urbaine. Les patrimoines font partie du contexte de développement urbain. Leur influence et leurs relations avec d'autres éléments urbains, y compris une vie dynamique et divers besoins de la communauté, sont indéniables. Pour réaliser la thèse, des études de terrain ont été menées sur des sites patrimoniaux situés dans des zones typiques pour l'urbanisation de la ville, l'interaction commnunautaire et le contexte de développement urbain. Cela aide à identifier les problèmes du patrimoine tels que les caractéristiques du patrimoine, la valeur patrimoniale, les relations mutuelles entre le patrimoine - la communauté - le développement urbain, les changements positifs et négatifs des patrimoines, d'autres facteurs pertinents des groupes communautaires. En conséquence, la thèse avance des suggestions pour préserver les patrimoines dans le contexte du développement urbain, encourager la participation communautaire et équilibrer le besoin de préservation et les contraintes du développement urbain. Le développement de l'espace d'interaction entre le patrimoine et la communauté, la mise en place d'un forum du patrimoine pour améliorer le partage de l'information sur le patrimoine au sein des groupes communautaires, la formulation de politiques basées sur la demande du marché et les besoins réels des différents groupes cibles. font partie des orientations suggérées.
Conference 28-30 August 2012, Ilimmarfik, Nuuk, Greenland. The frame for the conference was phrased with a citation from the book Megatrends: "Urbanisation is a global trend which will significantly contribute to the shaping of human life in the future. The Arctic region is no exception . Since the 1960's, most of the population growth in the Arctic has occurred in urban centres tied to industrial activities, social services and public administration" (Rasmus Ole Rasmussen, Megatrends, 2011, pp 22). Thus, the presentations and the discussions at the conference did not focus on if there is an urbanisation going on in the Arctic. The presentations and the discussions looked at how urbanisation in the Arctic actually has been going on and is developing. The main purpose of the conference was twofold. Firstly, the idea was to create a forum where politicians from some of the Nordic countries could meet politicians from Canada and discuss mutual experiences regarding the urbanisation process and share ideas on how to manage the process from a politicians' point of view. Secondly, it was a success criterion to give the politicians and researchers an opportunity to discuss on an informal basis what the politicians would like to know more about from the researchers and what recommendations the researchers have for the politicians in the Arctic societies. The proceedings include 10 abstracts and 18 papers not previously published. They represent some of the most distinguished researchers on socio-economic, social and cultural aspects of urbanisation in the Arctic. The articles have not been peer reviewed but the editors have made a light language revision of the texts.
International audience ; Among the socialist countries, the dominion of the state reveale itself an incomparably keen instrument in the analysis of the urban network. The evolution of the distribution of the rumanian cities since the Second World War, is characterised by an improved spatial arrangement of the urban centers rather than, by transformations of the urban hierarchies. Thus in Rumania, in spite of the peculiarities of the rumanian population (demographic vitality, maintenance of a strong rural character), it is kept and affirmed the accordance in respect to the policy common to the east european countries, according to which, a regional equilibrium of the services related with a city is sought ; Dans les pays socialistes, le cadre national se révèle un espace de référence incomparable pour l'analyse du réseau urbain. L'évolution du semis des villes roumaines depuis la deuxième guerre mondiale est moins caractérisée par des transformations de la hiérarchie urbaine que par une meilleure répartition spatiale des centres urbains. Ainsi, malgré les spécificités de la population roumaine-vitalité démographique, maintien d'une forte ruralité-s'affirme l'unité des politiques des pays d'Europe de l'Est pour un équilibre régional des services liés à la ville.
International audience ; Among the socialist countries, the dominion of the state reveale itself an incomparably keen instrument in the analysis of the urban network. The evolution of the distribution of the rumanian cities since the Second World War, is characterised by an improved spatial arrangement of the urban centers rather than, by transformations of the urban hierarchies. Thus in Rumania, in spite of the peculiarities of the rumanian population (demographic vitality, maintenance of a strong rural character), it is kept and affirmed the accordance in respect to the policy common to the east european countries, according to which, a regional equilibrium of the services related with a city is sought ; Dans les pays socialistes, le cadre national se révèle un espace de référence incomparable pour l'analyse du réseau urbain. L'évolution du semis des villes roumaines depuis la deuxième guerre mondiale est moins caractérisée par des transformations de la hiérarchie urbaine que par une meilleure répartition spatiale des centres urbains. Ainsi, malgré les spécificités de la population roumaine-vitalité démographique, maintien d'une forte ruralité-s'affirme l'unité des politiques des pays d'Europe de l'Est pour un équilibre régional des services liés à la ville.
International audience ; Among the socialist countries, the dominion of the state reveale itself an incomparably keen instrument in the analysis of the urban network. The evolution of the distribution of the rumanian cities since the Second World War, is characterised by an improved spatial arrangement of the urban centers rather than, by transformations of the urban hierarchies. Thus in Rumania, in spite of the peculiarities of the rumanian population (demographic vitality, maintenance of a strong rural character), it is kept and affirmed the accordance in respect to the policy common to the east european countries, according to which, a regional equilibrium of the services related with a city is sought ; Dans les pays socialistes, le cadre national se révèle un espace de référence incomparable pour l'analyse du réseau urbain. L'évolution du semis des villes roumaines depuis la deuxième guerre mondiale est moins caractérisée par des transformations de la hiérarchie urbaine que par une meilleure répartition spatiale des centres urbains. Ainsi, malgré les spécificités de la population roumaine-vitalité démographique, maintien d'une forte ruralité-s'affirme l'unité des politiques des pays d'Europe de l'Est pour un équilibre régional des services liés à la ville.
International audience ; Among the socialist countries, the dominion of the state reveale itself an incomparably keen instrument in the analysis of the urban network. The evolution of the distribution of the rumanian cities since the Second World War, is characterised by an improved spatial arrangement of the urban centers rather than, by transformations of the urban hierarchies. Thus in Rumania, in spite of the peculiarities of the rumanian population (demographic vitality, maintenance of a strong rural character), it is kept and affirmed the accordance in respect to the policy common to the east european countries, according to which, a regional equilibrium of the services related with a city is sought ; Dans les pays socialistes, le cadre national se révèle un espace de référence incomparable pour l'analyse du réseau urbain. L'évolution du semis des villes roumaines depuis la deuxième guerre mondiale est moins caractérisée par des transformations de la hiérarchie urbaine que par une meilleure répartition spatiale des centres urbains. Ainsi, malgré les spécificités de la population roumaine-vitalité démographique, maintien d'une forte ruralité-s'affirme l'unité des politiques des pays d'Europe de l'Est pour un équilibre régional des services liés à la ville.
