Suchergebnisse

AbstractIndigenous urbanism is an analytic and vital experience that captures everyday life and extreme moments of conflict in settler colonies. While highly localized, Indigenous urbanism/s are comparable across time and space. Delivered from different parts of the world, the essays in this collection highlight that Indigenous urbanism is politically, socially and culturally significant not only for Indigenous peoples in cities, but also for urban settlers and non‐Indigenous people of color. While Indigenous urbanisms are foregrounded by settler‐colonial structures and processes, they also underscore the unresolved nature of social relations in cities, and indeed, the unsettled character of the city itself. This introduction briefly sketches the themes and scope of each essay and draws them into conversation. Taken together, this collection illustrates the relational—rather than reactionary—character of Indigenous urbanisms as structure, in and of the (settler) city. Indigenous urbanisms shape cities by engaging with broader categories of human relations, intimate connections, conflict and resistance.

"Latino urbanism" describes the myriad ways that immigrants from Latin America are remaking American cities to feel more like the places from which they came. It describes a culture in many ways the opposite of the "intensely private" city Leon Whiteson described, with an emphasis much more on sociability and extending private and commercial realms outside and onto the street. Perhaps there's no better example of this than LA's CicLAvia-modeled on Bogotá's Ciclovía-the open streets festival that brings tens of thousands of pedestrians and cyclists out onto temporarily closed streets. Latino urbanism is remaking California by adapting what already exists. David Butow's photo essay captures this dynamic in action in California.

In this commentary, I respond to and extend Wilson and Wyly's 'Dracula urbanism' by drawing on feminist, postcolonial, and urban political ecology critiques of global urbanism. To do so, I firstly provincialize Dracula urbanism to reframe this notion as a situated form of knowledge. I then examine how vampires specific to Indonesian and Malay cultures might reveal different insights into the nature of capitalist urbanization. I close with a call for urban scholars to engage more closely with critical perspectives from urban studies that continue to occupy the margins of the field. I also invite careful consideration and reflexivity as to the work we achieve by coining new urbanisms.

Architecture and urban design are usually seen as tools of dominant spatial practices. They are either believed to mask the interests of power and money, or to represent aesthetic concerns that have little to offer for critical theory of space. I counter this view by showing that through rethinking the conception of space in architecture and urban design, as well as the notion of design itself, it is possible to outline a critical and emancipatory design practice, experiential urbanism. I apply Henri Lefebvre's spatial thinking in the scale of urban design, bridging his broad societal and historical concerns and architects' interest in experiential space. Through the exemplary case of Makasiinit in Helsinki, Finland, I show how material urban artifacts can play a role in the dialectic of space and how people and their relations produce urban atmospheres. Experiential urbanism is conceptualized as a professional practice that supports emerging public spaces.

AbstractNeoliberalization processes have been reshaping the landscapes of urban development for more than three decades, but their forms and consequences continue to evolve through an eclectic blend of failure and crisis, regulatory experimentation, and policy transfer across places, territories and scales. The proliferation of familiar neoliberal discourses and policy formulations in the aftermath of the 2007‐09 world financial crisis masks evidence of more deeply rooted transformations of policies, institutions and spaces that continue to combatively remake terrains of urban development. Accordingly, the critical intellectual project of deciphering the problematic of neoliberal urbanism must continue to evolve. This essay outlines some of the methodological and political challenges associated with (re)constructing a ′moving map′ of post‐crisis neoliberalization processes. We affirm a form of critical urban theory that adopts a restlessly antagonistic stance towards orthodox urban formations and their dominant ideologies, institutional arrangements and societal effects, tracking their endemic policy failures and crisis tendencies while at the same time demarcating potential terrains for heterodox, radical and/or insurgent theories and practices of emancipatory social change.

Africa is now the least urbanized of the continents but is becoming more so at one of the fastest rates in the world. The history of urbanization in Africa predates the birth of Christ; it may have developed as early as 3500 B.C. in the flood plain of the lower Nile for control and administration of the Nile Valley by the Pharaohs, though most of the ancient and pre-colonial African urban centers are now insignificant towns and some have become extinct. Between 1500 B.C. and 500 A.D., the Mediterranean coast of North Africa saw the creation of many cities, which flourished because of trade between the Phoenicians and Carthaginians.