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One important aspect of the socio-political location of Urdu is the culturally accepted relationship of its "sisterhood" with Hindi. Independent India has, however, seen this sisterhood re-interpreted as a conflation of religious and linguistic identity, by which Urdu in particular has come to be represented as the language of Muslims. In this paper, we present the findings of a field survey in Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Delhi, Mysore, Punjab and Himachal Pradesh, which show that speakers of Urdu resist this identfication, and explicitly characterise both the language as well as their linguistic practices in terms of the shared and syncretic culture of India.

One important aspect of the socio-political location of Urdu is the culturally accepted relationship of its "sisterhood" with Hindi. Independent India has, however, seen this sisterhood re-interpreted as a conflation of religious and linguistic identity, by which Urdu in particular has come to be represented as the language of Muslims. In this paper, we present the findings of a field survey in Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Delhi, Mysore, Punjab and Himachal Pradesh, which show that speakers of Urdu resist this identfication, and explicitly characterise both the language as well as their linguistic practices in terms of the shared and syncretic culture of India.

Pakistan is an ideologically inspired state and Urdu was a part of this ideology. During the development of Muslim separatism in British India it had become a symbol of Muslim identity and was the chief rival of Hindi, the symbol of Hindu identity (Brass, 1974: 119–81. Thus, after partition it was not surprising that the Muslim polemical and methodologically unreliable books. Some of them are, indeed, part of the pro-Urdu campaign by such official institutions as the National Language Authority, because of which they articulate only the official language policy (Kamran, 1992). Other books, especially by supporters of Urdu, invoke simplistic conspiracy theories for explaining the opposition to Urdu. One of them is that the elitist supporters of English have always conspired to protect it in their self-interest; the other that ethno-nationalists, supported by foreign governments, communists and anti-state agents, oppose Urdu (Abdullah, 1976; Barelvi 1987). While such assertions may be partly true, the defect of the publications is that no proof is offered in support of them.

Urdu language is well-known for literary beauty and other linguistic as well as social factors. Over centuries Urdu/Hindi has gone through many cultural, political and linguistic changes. Urdu language has also changed in some ways of spoken and written forms. Despite the long history and literary power of Urdu, no Urdu author received a Nobel Prize in literature. Some data is presented about the trends in awarding Nobel Prize for literature. This article analyzes and highlights pathways for Urdu/Hindi literature at the world forum. The pathways emerging from connecting various fields and incorporating new linguistic frames can open innovative ways for Urdu/Hindi literature. The new trends of genres of literature are also briefly discussed in the context of Urdu/Hindi.

Addentrarsi nel campo linguistico indiano significa affrontare ad ogni pié sospinto problemi di ogni genere: filosofici, semantici, storici ecc., alcuni determinati da circostanze contingenti e perciò ormai risolti, altri ancora oggetto di discussione ed indagini per altro forse destinate a rimanere senza valida conclusione. Già parlare di Hindi vuol dire passare in rassegna la lunga serie di questioni critiche. Dalle indagini effettuate risulta chiaro che le motivazioni della polemica Hindi-Urdu non vanno ricercate in campo linguistico, quanto piuttosto in quello politico, che infatti esse movimenteranno in un crescendo sempre più febbrile e violento lungo tutto l'arco della dominazione coloniale britannica, fino a sfociare nei disordini sanguinosi e fratricidi culminati nel 1947 con la divisione tra India e Pakistan.