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In: Gewaltpolitik und Menschenrechte 2
Die vorliegende Studie, die unterschiedliche Aspekte der Südosteuropa-, Geschlechter-, Kriegs- und Gewaltforschung berührt, befasst sich erstmals mit Haltungen und Rollen von Aktivistinnen und Anhängerinnen der kroatischen faschistischen Ustaša-Bewegung. Diese Frauen waren tief in die Gründung, Gestaltung und somit auch Verbrechen des Unabhängigen Staates Kroatien von 1941 bis 1945 verstrickt. Aus einer Doppelperspektive von Frauenbildern und tatsächlich gelebten Frauenrollen in der »Kampfzeit« bis 1941 und im nachfolgenden Unabhängigen Staat Kroatien fragt die Autorin danach, wie Frauen mit der oftmals paradoxen Wirklichkeit im Ustaša-Staat umgegangen sind, welche Weiblichkeitsbilder sie selbst propagierten und inwiefern sie diese tatsächlich lebten. Interviews mit prominenten Akteurinnen der Ustaša-Bewegung brachten zudem zutage, wie diese rückblickend ihre Vergangenheit beurteilten. / »Involvement. Participation. Injustice« -- The book details for the first time the political stances and courses of action taken by female activists of the Croatian fascist Ustaša Movement, as women were also deeply entrenched in the founding, formation and therefore the crimes committed by the Independent State of Croatia between 1941–1945. From a dual perspective of how women were seen by the Ustaša and which roles they actually played, the author explores which feminine ideals were propagated by the Ustaša state and to what extent women fulfilled them. Interviews with prominent members of the Ustaša Movement have furthermore shed light on how female supporters of the Ustaša Movement look back on and evaluate their past.
In: Gewaltpolitik und Menschenrechte 2
Die vorliegende Studie, die unterschiedliche Aspekte der Südosteuropa-, Geschlechter-, Kriegs- und Gewaltforschung berührt, befasst sich erstmals mit Haltungen und Rollen von Aktivistinnen und Anhängerinnen der kroatischen faschistischen Ustaša-Bewegung. Diese Frauen waren tief in die Gründung, Gestaltung und somit auch Verbrechen des Unabhängigen Staates Kroatien von 1941 bis 1945 verstrickt. Aus einer Doppelperspektive von Frauenbildern und tatsächlich gelebten Frauenrollen in der »Kampfzeit« bis 1941 und im nachfolgenden Unabhängigen Staat Kroatien fragt die Autorin danach, wie Frauen mit der oftmals paradoxen Wirklichkeit im Ustaša-Staat umgegangen sind, welche Weiblichkeitsbilder sie selbst propagierten und inwiefern sie diese tatsächlich lebten. Interviews mit prominenten Akteurinnen der Ustaša-Bewegung brachten zudem zutage, wie diese rückblickend ihre Vergangenheit beurteilten. / »Involvement. Participation. Injustice« -- The book details for the first time the political stances and courses of action taken by female activists of the Croatian fascist Ustaša Movement, as women were also deeply entrenched in the founding, formation and therefore the crimes committed by the Independent State of Croatia between 1941–1945. From a dual perspective of how women were seen by the Ustaša and which roles they actually played, the author explores which feminine ideals were propagated by the Ustaša state and to what extent women fulfilled them. Interviews with prominent members of the Ustaša Movement have furthermore shed light on how female supporters of the Ustaša Movement look back on and evaluate their past.
In: Gewaltpolitik und Menschenrechte Band 2
In: Gewaltpolitik und Menschenrechte Band 2
World Affairs Online
In: Holocaust and genocide studies, Band 33, Heft 3, S. 442-444
ISSN: 1476-7937
In: Studien zur Gewaltgeschichte des 20. Jahrhunderts
In: Studien zur Gewaltgeschichte des 20. Jahrhunderts
In: Istorija 20. veka, Band 38, Heft 1/2020, S. 203-222
ISSN: 2560-3647
The number of Serbs who were murdered by the Croatian Ustaša regime is still contentious, even though there is broad agreement on the figures among expert historians. The issue is blurred by authors who ignore the canon of scientific discovery. Ustaša terror was awful enough, the author argues. Distorted numbers trivialize debate and degrade the victims.
In: Südosteuropa-Mitteilungen, Band 54, Heft 4, S. 74-91
ISSN: 0340-174X
World Affairs Online
In: Nationalities papers: the journal of nationalism and ethnicity, Band 44, Heft 5, S. 772-788
ISSN: 1465-3923
Most scholarship on post-Communist Croatia claims that the first Croatian president, Franjo Tuđman, intentionally rehabilitated the legacy of the World War II (WWII) Croatian Ustaša and its Nazi-puppet state. The rehabilitation of the Ustaša has been linked to Tuđman's national reconciliation politics that tended toward a particular "forgetting of the past." The national reconciliation was conceptualized as a joint struggle of both the Croatian anti-fascist Partisan and the Croatian WWII fascist Ustaša successors to achieve Croatian independence. However, the existing scholarship does not offer a comprehensive explanation of the nexus between national reconciliation and the rehabilitation of the Ustaša. Hence, this article will present how "Ustaša-nostalgia" does not stem from Tuđman's intentions, but rather from the morphological gap occurring in Tuđman's nation-building idea. Namely, Tuđman's condemnation of the entire idea of Yugoslavism and Yugoslavia eventually brought about the perception that any historical agent advocating the idea of an independent Croatia is better than any form of Croatian Yugoslavism. Finally, the article will present how contemporary Croatian society is still seeped in "Ustaša-nostalgia" due to the hesitation of the post-Tuđman Croatian politics to come to terms with the legacy of his national reconciliation politics.
In: Fascism: journal of comparative fascist studies, Band 5, Heft 1, S. 3-25
ISSN: 2211-6257
In the contemporary literature on the Ustaša organization and its terror regime, the organization is often seen and described as a vague and peripheral case study. Neither the establishment of the Ustaša state, nor the very purpose for which the organization was established, can be understood without taking into consideration the context of its formation, organizational and ideological structure as well as the influences its members were exposed to during their formative period. Therefore the article focuses on the development of its organizational and ideological aspects. The aim is to analyze the basic features and aspects of the Ustaša organization which show that by the mid-1930s, and perhaps even earlier, the Ustaša organization fully evolved into a fascist organization.