Suchergebnisse

In this paper, we tried to analyze the consequences of the transitional process in the societies of the South-West Balkan, primarily on the example of Serbia. The indicators that we have found by the research clearly speak in favor of the fact that the transition is the cause of peripheralization of these societies. Citizens who entered the transitional processes with hope - imagining them as the accomplishment of the best European values - soon were convinced that the transition is only another manner to place these countries in the position to be exploited by multinational capital and developed, 'old' member of the EU, as well as to serve for squaring accounts in geopolitical games of the creators of the 'new world order'. In the case of the countries of the Western Balkan, the transition had the characteristic that, among other things, it was performed in conditions of political violence: destruction of the joint state of Yugoslavia, civil and religious war in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, aggression of NATO to the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, destabilization of Serbia through the attempt of Kosovo secession, etc., therefore, in the conditions that were extremely antihistorical. While the Europe was uniting, the Balkan was disintegrating. At least two out of the three 'ideas that conquered the world' (Mandelbaum) have been violated: the peace and the democracy. Free market in the conditions when there was no peace and regarding democratically insufficiently consolidated societies could not bring their progress, but on the contrary, as we established, only regression. That is the reason why the destroyed and collided South-Balkan societies, contrary to the European vow of their political elites, are today de facto much further from the European aspirations than they were quarter of the century ago. With their policy, the countries of the West have contributed to De- Europeanization of the South-West Balkan and strengthening of the Euroscepticism with citizens of those countries that still have not joined the EU, like Serbia. In fact, the citizens of Serbia can hardly recognize in the policy of the EU those values that have been usually considered European and which we mentioned at the beginning of this paper.

radu se analiziraju vrednosne orijentacije studenata. U istraživanju u kome su učestvovali studenti (N=635) Univerziteta u Rijeci primenjena je anketa. Glavna teza teorije modernizacije jeste da se promene u socioekonomskoj sferi društva reflektiraju na njegov sistem vrednosti. Zato u savremenim društvima slabe tradicionalne a jačaju moderne i postmoderne vrednosti. Specifičnost bivših socijalističkih društava odnosi se na to da je u njima, nakon protivrečnog procesa polumodernizacije, došlo do intenzivnog procesa retradicionalizacije. Tranzicija mlade generacije u odraslo doba događa se u konkretnom društvenom kontekstu za koji je karakterističan "sukob" suprotstavljenih vrednosti. Stoga je važno ispitati koje društvene vrednosti mladi prihvataju. Najpre se to odnosi na studentsku populaciju, s obzirom na to da je to resurs iz kog će se u budućnosti regrutovati društvena elita. U radu se problematizuju sledeća pitanja: U kojoj meri suprotstavljeni procesi modernizacije i retradicionalizacije društva ostavljaju traga na vrednosne orijentacije studenata? U kojoj meri se stavovi studenata razlikuju s obzirom na socijalne karakteristike njihovih porodica? Statistička obrada je obuhvatila univarijatnu, bivarijatnu i multivarijatnu analizu. Rezultati pokazuju da većina studenata prihvata postmoderne vrednosti (multikulturnost), a vrlo malo njih prihvata tradicionalne vrednosti (klerikalizam i etnocentrizam). Utvrđena je veza između tradicionalnih vrednosnih orijentacija i konzervativnih porodičnih obrazaca. S tim u vezi je zaključak da su rezultati u saglasnosti sa hipotezom o liberalizujućem efektu obrazovanja. ; This paper analyses the students' value orientations based on the survey conducted at the University of Rijeka (N=635). The main thesis of the theory of modernization is that changes in the socioeconomic sphere of society generate changes in its predominant value system. Therefore, in the modern societies, the weakening of the traditional and the strengthening of modern and postmodern values can be observed. This was particularly noticeable in the ex-socialist societies whose social and political transitions were generally followed by the process of intensive retraditionalization. The transition of younger generation to adulthood is taking place in the specific context of the postsocialist and post-war transformation of a society, which is characterized by the "clash" of opposing social values. Therefore, it is important to explore which social values are embraced by the young people. This is particularly important in the context of student population, because many of them will become representatives of the future social elites. The paper seeks to address the following questions: To what extent the opposing processes of modernization and re-radicalization of post-socialist societies effects students' expectance of different value orientations? To what extent different family backgrounds effect students' adoption of traditional, modern or postmodern values? Data analysis was carried out through univariate, bivariate and multivariate statistical procedures. The results of our research show that students chiefly support the postmodern values (multiculturalism) and chiefly do not support the traditional values (clericalism and ethnocentrism). Furthermore, the analysis has established a link between students' orientation to traditional values and existence of conservative patterns in their family background. The findings of our research support the main hypothesis of the theory of liberalizing effect of education. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa

The article provides an analysis of youth values in Croatia in the socialist and post-socialist periods, comparing them with values of older citizens and of the political elite. The comparative analysis is based on data obtained through four empirical investigations conducted in 1986, 1999 and 2004. The results show that the predominant youth values remain stable, with minor oscillations in rank. The aspects in which the young are different from the older citizens are a broader variety of interests, a greater acceptance of post-materialistic values, and a lesser acceptance of traditional and political values. It is also shown that the optimism of youth is constantly on a high level, as well as their satisfaction with life, which is more pronounced than with older citizens. In all analyzed segments the political elite is noticeably different from both above-mentioned groups. The overall findings confirm that the acceptance of observed values varies depending on the social-political context, and the age and social status of the respondents. Since the scope of the variations is limited, the author concludes that this analysis gives one more confirmation of the relative stability of values, and of the fact that they are transmitted from generation to generation in a way which does not endanger social continuity. Adapted from the source document.

The article provides an analysis of youth values in Croatia in the socialist and post-socialist periods, comparing them with values of older citizens and of the political elite. The comparative analysis is based on data obtained through four empirical investigations conducted in 1986, 1999 and 2004. The results show that the predominant youth values remain stable, with minor oscillations in rank. The aspects in which the young are different from the older citizens are a broader variety of interests, a greater acceptance of post-materialistic values, and a lesser acceptance of traditional and political values. It is also shown that the optimism of youth is constantly on a high level, as well as their satisfaction with life, which is more pronounced than with older citizens. In all analyzed segments the political elite is noticeably different from both above-mentioned groups. The overall findings confirm that the acceptance of observed values varies depending on the social-political context, and the age and social status of the respondents. Since the scope of the variations is limited, the author concludes that this analysis gives one more confirmation of the relative stability of values, and of the fact that they are transmitted from generation to generation in a way which does not endanger social continuity. Adapted from the source document.

In this article, the processes of re-stratification in Serbia during the period from the end of the 1980s until recent times are analyzed on the basis of findings of several empirical investigations. In the first part of the text, the author points out that a systemic change implies not only quantitative changes in the control and distribution of social resources, but also changes in the way of constituting the basic social groups, and the forms of their relations, which means that the groups themselves (ruling elites, middle classes, and even manual workers) in socialism and in capitalism must be defined differently. In the second part of the text, attention is drawn to the changes in three areas of the stratificational system in Serbia: mobility, economic differentiation and value orientations. In the field of social mobility, an increase of self-recruitment of all basic classes is established, but also, in particular, a strengthening of barriers between manual workers and higher social strata. Furthermore, the author points out an increase in economic differentiation, and a growing importance of private property to this differentiation (the singling out of major private entrepreneurs on the top of the material status hierarchy). It is shown that, on the level of values, all classes (including the ruling class and the middle class) are characterized by inconsistency, in terms of a pronounced presence of statist-distributive values, which hampers the process of consolidation of a new institutional and normative (market and pluralistic) order in Serbia. Adapted from the source document.

During the survey conducted in 2012, 2013 and 2014, 67 specimens of common nase, chub and wels catfish were collected on the Medjuvršje reservoir. In the muscle tissue of the individual, the level of accumulation of hazardous elements (As, Cd, Cu, Fe, Hg, Pb, Zn) is determined and compared with the MAC values established by the national regulations and legislation, as well as FAO and EU. Muscle samples were tested for the presence and concentration of selected elements using optical emission spectroscopy (ICP-OES). Collection of ichthyological material on the reservoir was carried out using a set of fishing nets with a diameter of 10-80 mm. Reservoir Međuvršje is located in the outlet of the Ovčarsko-Kablar gorge. The Zapadna Morava river upstream of the accumulation is characterized by an intensive emission of industrial, communal and wastewater from rural households, since no settlements or factories do not have systems for water purification. The fish species used in this research are the most frequently fished and most attractive fishing types of Međuvršje reservoir used in human nutrition. The aim of the paper is to examine the safety of meat use of three fish species in human nutrition from the point of view of the hazardous elements presence and comparison with the prescribed limit values (MAC). The measured values of the elements were several times below the prescribed MAC values. Arsenic values were in the range 0.057-0.153 μg/g and the highest values were recorded in common nase. Cadmium was only registered in 2013 in the chub muscle tissue (0.002 μg/g). Copper values ranged 0.006-0.132 μg/g and the highest values were in chub; Fe was in the range 0.503-8.79 μg/g and the highest values were in the wels catfish; Hg was in the range 0.043-0.077 μg/g and the highest values were in chub; Pb was in the range 0.03-0.134 μg/g and the highest values were in the wels catfish, and Zn was in the range 1.387-20.049 μg/g and the highest values were in chub. The results show a safe use of the analysed fish species for human consumption. ; Tokom istraživanja sprovedenih 2012, 2013 i 2014. godine na akumulaciji Međuvršje prikupljeno je 67 jedinki skobalja, klena i soma. U mišićnom tkivu jedinki utvrđen je nivo akumulacije hazardnih elemenata (As, Cd, Cu, Fe, Hg, Pb, Zn) i upoređen sa MDK vrednostima propisanim regulativama i propisima naše zemlje, kao i FAO i EU. Uzorci mišića su testirani na prisustvo i koncentraciju odabranih elemenata primenom optičke emisione spektroskometrije (ICP-OES). Prikupljanje ihtiološkog materijala na akumulaciji vršeno je pomoću seta stajaćih ribarskih mreža promera okaca 10–80 mm. Akumulacija Međuvršje se nalazi u izlaznom delu Ovčarsko-kablarske klisure. Tok Zapadne Morava uzvodno od akumulacije karakteriše intenzivna emisija industrijskih, komunalnih i otpadnih voda iz seoskih domaćinstava s obzirom da nijedno naselje niti fabrika ne poseduju sisteme za prečišćavanje vode. Riblje vrste korišćene u ovom istraživanju predstavljaju najčešće lovljene i najatraktivnije ribolovne vrste akumulacije Međuvršje koje se koriste u ljudskoj ishrani. Cilj rada je sagledavanje bezbednosti upotrebe mesa tri vrste riba u ljudskoj ishrani sa stanovišta prisustva hazardnih elemenata i poređenje sa propisanim graničnim vrednostima (MDK). Izmerene vrednosti elemenata su bile višestruko ispod propisanih MDK vrednosti. Vrednosti arsena bile su u opsegu 0,057-0,153 μg/g, a najviše vrednosti zabeležene su kod skobalja. Kadmijum je registrovan samo 2013. godine u mišićnom tkivu klena (0,002 μg/g). Vrednosti bakra kretale su se u opsegu 0,006-0,132 μg/g, a najviše vrednosti bile su kod klena; Fe je bio u opsegu 0,503-8,79 μg/g, a najviše vrednosti su bile kod soma; Hg je bio u opsegu 0,043-0,077 μg/g, a najviše vrednosti bile su kod klena; Pb je bio u opsegu 0,03-0,134 μg/g, a najviše vrednosti bile su kod soma, a Zn je bio u opsegu 1,387-20,049 μg/g, a najviše vrednosti bile su kod klena. Izneti rezultati ukazuju na bezbednu upotrebu analiziranih vrsta riba za ljudsku ishranu. ; Soković M, Tešić Ž, editors. Unifood conference: Programme & Book of Abstracts; 2018 Oct 5-6; Belgrade, Serbia. Belgrade: University of Belgrade; 2018. p. 176.

The author continues his research work on Croatian constitutional tradition. This tradition includes the system of national values on which Croatian politicians in the l9th century founded their national programs. Therefore, the author tries to analyze the basic values and structures included in that tradition, to explore its genesis, and to investigate its historical influence on the development of political and social life in Croatia. In his opinion, other authors did not consider this tradition either a "dogma" or an "ideology", as the recent historiography puts it, because here the legal and sociopolitical values, on which the new political, state and social system is founded, are in question. Out of abundant researches on that subject, the author singles out only the analysis of the "Address" which Croatian Parliament, after a long discussion, brought in 1861 as its most important document, i.e. as the national program which was presented to the king in the form of demands. (SOI : CSP: S. 267f.)

The objective of the present study was to investigate the susceptibility of maize hybrids to the natural mycotoxins contamination: aflatoxin total (AFLA), deoxynivalenol (DON), zearalenon (ZEA) and fumonisins (FB). Hybrids were grown during two production years (2019 and 2020) in two locations. Mycotoxin contamination of maize grains was evaluated in five sweet maize hybrids. Contamination level of investigated hybrids of first cluster was mainly by below average values of ZEA (all equal to zero) and DON. Hybrids PK4 (S) 2020, PK6 (MS) 2020 and PK4 (MS) 2020 had below average values for AFLA, while remaining treatments of this cluster have mostly elevated values of this mycotoxin. Contamination level of investigated hybrids of second cluster mostly had increased values of mycotoxins ZEA and DON and below average values of AFLA. Samples did not contain fumonisins. Mycotoxin contamination were significantly affected by hybrids and years. We have established that DON and ZEA levels were influenced by the environmental conditions. There were no significant effects of location on the level of AFLA in the sweet maize hybrids. The variation in the properties of mycotoxin content (DON) was significantly influenced by hybrids, and there was no significance of hybrids x location interaction. Differences were more expressed for the content of ZEA and AFLA compared to the content of DON. Hybrid PK1 had the lowest content of DON, while it had the highest content of ZEA. Mycotoxin analyses showed that in all tested hybrids, levels of AFLA, DON, ZEA and FBs were below the maximum permissible levels stipulated by the legislation of the European Union and the Republic of Serbia in maize intended for direct human consumption. These results confirmed that the susceptibility of hybrids is one of the important risks, in addition to climatic factors, for the appearance of toxigenic fungi and their mycotoxins. Genotype tolerance is very important as a preventive measure, which indicates that breeders have to pay attention to it in ...

Along with the fast growing economy, the term 'BRICs' was coined to represent the newly emerging countries of Brazil, Russia, India and China. The enhanced economy in these countries has largely improved people's lives; at the same time, it has also strongly influenced the transformation of social structure, norms and values. This book examines specifically the changes in each society from the perspective of social stratification, with topics covering the main social classes, the inequality of education and income, the different styles of consumption as well as the class consciousness and values

When researching multiculturalism and the process of Europeanisation in Serbia and countries of the region, one must first examine the status of multiculturality and multiculturalism, from the normative framework to states' policies which decidedly determine the nature and functioning of a political community. Starting from the fact that the context, nature and structure of a political community determines the essence of rights and freedoms stipulated by the constitution and laws, as well as that a synergy of good laws and sound policies enables an effective policy of multiculturality, integration and interlacing of cultures of diverse national communities in a society, the proclaimed multiculturalism was studied in this paper, with a view to ascertain whether such constitutional and legislative framework and policies exist, and if they did, whether there was concerted action between them. The key finding was that the states of the region support a civil state in principle, that they are exclusively or predominantly nationally legitimised by the highest legislative acts and that the factual state is marked by various national cultural identities that are not integrated into the model of plural citizenship. The paper shows that there is a lack of political will to transform the declared support for a pluralistic civil state into public policies affirming the values of multiculturalism, as well as that there is a lack of strong institutions to support such policy. Creating civil awareness, strengthening civil values and virtues are not priorities for state institutions or media controlled by governments. Rather than that, their priority is to strengthen national identities. Hence, based on the above, we can affirm that civil states, civil values and civil identities are only at initial stages, i.e. that they are still, only occasionally, at the level of general programme orientation and set aims. The necessary ingredient for their firm establishment is a consolidated democracy and acceptance of universal values of developed democracies, such as the rule of law and protection of human rights and freedoms.

Američka administracija zainteresovala se još pedesetih i šezdesetih godina prošlog veka za zemlje severne Afrike, kada su one stekle nezavisnost. Krajem Hladnog rata, američki zvaničnici pozvali su sve severnoafričke zemlje da se uključe u proces globalizacije svetske ekonomije, a posle događaja iz septembra 2001. godine u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama, njihovi istraživački centri počeli su ozbiljnije da proučavaju islamske pokrete unutar i izvan islamskog sveta. Predmet istraživanja ove doktorske disertacije je određivanje američkih spoljno-političkih interesa i vrednosti prema islamskim pokretima na severu Afrike na početku XXI veka. Naučni cilj ovog istraživanja je naučno objašnjenje američke spoljne politike prema islamskim pokretima, posebno uzroka promene u američkoj spoljnoj politici i njen budući pravac kretanja prema političkim partijama i pokretima, nakon revolucija arapskog proleća i dolaska ovih islamskih partija na vlast u Tunisu, Egiptu i Libiji. To podrazumeva naučnu deskripciju i klasifikaciju značajnih islamskih pokreta na severu Afrike s naglaskom na njihov uticaj na američku spoljnu politiku. Društveni cilj ove teze je da ponudi naučno zasnovane osnove za razvoj odgovarajuće američke spoljne politike prema islamskim pokretima, uključujući i ulogu nezavisnih istraživačkih centara kao i sredstava informisanja u kreiranju američke spoljne politike. Najveću primenu u ovoj disertaciji imale su statistička i komparativna metoda, kao i analiza sadržaja dokumenata kao metoda prikupljanja podataka. Rezultat, odnosno naučni doprinos doktorske disertacije zasniva se na dva bitna činioca. Prvo, ova tema nije razvijena u naučno delo u našoj i savremenoj naučnoj literaturi, dakle radi se o originalnoj doktorskoj disertaciji. I drugo, zbog naučnog cilja odnosno naučnog objašnjenja američke spoljne politike prema islamskim pokretima, kao i njihovoj klasifikaciji. Društveni značaj i očekivani rezultati odnose se na sprovođenje američkih spoljno-političkih interesa i vrednosti, i proučavanja uticaja međunarodnog terorizma i radikalnih islamskih pokreta na američku spoljnu politiku, posebno u procesu globalizacije. ; The American administration has shown interest during the 1950-1960's for the North Africa countries, after their independence. By the end of the Cold War, the US officials has invited all North African countries to engage in the process of globalization of the world economy, and after the events during September 2001 in the USA, their research centers has begun more serious to study the Islamic movements inside and outside the Islamic world. The subject of this doctoral thesis is to determine US foreign policy interests and values towards the Islamic movements in the North of Africa at the beginning of the XXI century. The scientific objective of this research is the scientific explanation of US foreign policy towards the Islamic movements, particularly the causes of changes in US foreign policy and their trends towards political parties and movements, after the Arab spring revolutions and the arrival of these Islamic parties to power in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya. It includes scientific description and classification of the significant Islamic movements in the North of Africa, with an emphasis on their impact on US foreign policy. The social objective of this thesis is to offer science-based foundation for developing the appropriate US foreign policy towards the Islamic movements, including the role of independent research centers and the media in the creation of American foreign policy. The most used methods in this doctoral thesis were statistical and comparative methods, as well the content analysis for collecting the data. The result, ie scientific contribution of this doctoral thesis is based on two important factors. First, this theme has not been developed as scientific work in our and modern literature, so this is an original doctoral thesis. And second, because of the scientific explanation of American foreign policy towards the Islamic movements, as well as their classification. The social significance and expected results relates to the implementation of US foreign policy interests and values, and studying the impact of international terrorism and radical Islamic movements towards American foreign policy, especially during the process of globalization.

An analysis of the US foreign policy strategy shows that a more intensive advocacy of human rights and democracy is us usually a characteristic for democratic American presidents and their administrations. The numerous challenges of the new world order which Bill Clinton was faced with, required the redefinition of the role, goals, and interests of the sole remaining superpower in the new international community. The promotion of democracy and liberal market values and the protection of universal human rights have been the guidelines for Clinton's administration's foreign policy during both of his mandates. Due to the specific features and intensity of geopolitical changes, which resulted in armed conflicts in the South-Eastern Europe, the consequence of the American policy towards the newly-created countries (the so-called young democracies on the Old Continent, including the new Russia) was that the first NATO's military "out of area" campaign on Kosovo was justified as an attempt to stem the flood of refugees and to make an end to the violation of ethnic and other human rights. Since the US have announced their intention to intervene when and if (and based on their interests), they deem that basic human rights and democratic values are violated, it can be said that a new pattern of behaviour has emerged which would have to be adopted by the other members of the new world order as well. (SOI : PM: S. 122)