Suchergebnisse

This study is based on the population register set up in Venice in 1850 and regularly updated until 1869. It is well known that population registers offer continuous-time information on the life-history of households, recording changes both in their composition and place of residence. Such source material is therefore invaluable in documenting population dynamics at the micro-level. For this analysis a sample including three different areas of the city was drawn upon. Overall, residential mobility was characterized by frequent short-range moves, seldom involving a change in the parish of residence. Logistic multivariate regression is used to test how various factors influenced differential mobility : most of these factors are related to the family life-course. Economic conjuncture likewise had a great impact on mobility, raising the frequency of movement in periods of economic crisis. Also the presence of some close non-coresident relatives, especially mothers and daughters, played a similarly important role in mobility, suggesting the importance of female-oriented strategies in residential choices.

The first book to be printed in Venice was published in 1469. Between this date and the 1530s, the printing industry expanded and Venice became the first production hub in Europe for incunabula. On the one hand, printing was a new trade, which was established in Venice outside of the guild system. Printers and booksellers managed to build their commercial network gradually, by either building upon the pre-existing manuscript network, or by creating their own commercial system. Since that activity was entirely new, there were many uncertainties and inequalities as far as the status of the printers was concerned, all the more so since they had to adapt to the local social context. On the other hand, most Venice-based printers were in fact foreigners. During the first years, they were mainly of German origin, although other minorities or communities also contributed to the development of the industry. Theirs was a very precarious and unstable activity. Hence the need to understand how these craftsmen and merchants organized themselves, which also raises the related question of whether and how they integrated into Venice's urban geography and sociability. Finally, this thesis aims at questioning the existence of a Venetian printing world between 1469 and 1530, and at examining the construction of a professional milieu based on printing and the selling of printed books. I wish to understand how this new industry, shaped by foreigners, managed to take root and grow in the city; how the actors interacted with the institutions and the legislation; and how they integrated into Venice's social fabric. ; Le premier livre mis sous presse à Venise est publié en 1469. Entre cette date et les années 1530, l'imprimerie s'installe dans la ville et Venise devient la première productrice de livres incunables. D'un côté, nous avons un métier nouveau, qui se développe en dehors des cadres institutionnels des arts et des corporations. Les imprimeurs et libraires créent progressivement un nouveau circuit commercial, celui du livre ...

The first book to be printed in Venice was published in 1469. Between this date and the 1530s, the printing industry expanded and Venice became the first production hub in Europe for incunabula. On the one hand, printing was a new trade, which was established in Venice outside of the guild system. Printers and booksellers managed to build their commercial network gradually, by either building upon the pre-existing manuscript network, or by creating their own commercial system. Since that activity was entirely new, there were many uncertainties and inequalities as far as the status of the printers was concerned, all the more so since they had to adapt to the local social context. On the other hand, most Venice-based printers were in fact foreigners. During the first years, they were mainly of German origin, although other minorities or communities also contributed to the development of the industry. Theirs was a very precarious and unstable activity. Hence the need to understand how these craftsmen and merchants organized themselves, which also raises the related question of whether and how they integrated into Venice's urban geography and sociability. Finally, this thesis aims at questioning the existence of a Venetian printing world between 1469 and 1530, and at examining the construction of a professional milieu based on printing and the selling of printed books. I wish to understand how this new industry, shaped by foreigners, managed to take root and grow in the city; how the actors interacted with the institutions and the legislation; and how they integrated into Venice's social fabric. ; Le premier livre mis sous presse à Venise est publié en 1469. Entre cette date et les années 1530, l'imprimerie s'installe dans la ville et Venise devient la première productrice de livres incunables. D'un côté, nous avons un métier nouveau, qui se développe en dehors des cadres institutionnels des arts et des corporations. Les imprimeurs et libraires créent progressivement un nouveau circuit commercial, celui du livre imprimé, qui adapte ou s'affranchit de celui préexistant du livre manuscrit. La nouveauté de cette activité crée également de fortes inégalités et des incertitudes quant au statut social qu'il faut conférer à ses acteurs, qui doivent s'adapter au contexte social local. D'autre part, les imprimeurs exerçant à Venise sont pour la plupart d'origine étrangère. Dans les premières années, la majorité d'entre eux sont d'origine germanique. D'autres minorités ou communautés ont également contribué au développement de l'industrie. Leur activité était extrêmement instable et précaire. Il s'agit donc de comprendre comment ces artisans et marchands étrangers se sont organisés et comment ils se sont ou non intégrés dans la géographie urbaine et la sociabilité vénitienne. Finalement, ce travail vise à questionner l'existence d'un monde du livre à Venise entre 1469 et 1530, la construction progressive d'un milieu professionnel nouveau autour de l'imprimerie. Notre étude vise à comprendre comment cette industrie nouvelle, apportée par des acteurs étrangers, est parvenue à s'implanter et à croître dans la ville, en s'enracinant dans des institutions, des pratiques législatives, mais également dans le tissu urbain à la fois géographique et social.

The first book to be printed in Venice was published in 1469. Between this date and the 1530s, the printing industry expanded and Venice became the first production hub in Europe for incunabula. On the one hand, printing was a new trade, which was established in Venice outside of the guild system. Printers and booksellers managed to build their commercial network gradually, by either building upon the pre-existing manuscript network, or by creating their own commercial system. Since that activity was entirely new, there were many uncertainties and inequalities as far as the status of the printers was concerned, all the more so since they had to adapt to the local social context. On the other hand, most Venice-based printers were in fact foreigners. During the first years, they were mainly of German origin, although other minorities or communities also contributed to the development of the industry. Theirs was a very precarious and unstable activity. Hence the need to understand how these craftsmen and merchants organized themselves, which also raises the related question of whether and how they integrated into Venice's urban geography and sociability. Finally, this thesis aims at questioning the existence of a Venetian printing world between 1469 and 1530, and at examining the construction of a professional milieu based on printing and the selling of printed books. I wish to understand how this new industry, shaped by foreigners, managed to take root and grow in the city; how the actors interacted with the institutions and the legislation; and how they integrated into Venice's social fabric. ; Le premier livre mis sous presse à Venise est publié en 1469. Entre cette date et les années 1530, l'imprimerie s'installe dans la ville et Venise devient la première productrice de livres incunables. D'un côté, nous avons un métier nouveau, qui se développe en dehors des cadres institutionnels des arts et des corporations. Les imprimeurs et libraires créent progressivement un nouveau circuit commercial, celui du livre imprimé, qui adapte ou s'affranchit de celui préexistant du livre manuscrit. La nouveauté de cette activité crée également de fortes inégalités et des incertitudes quant au statut social qu'il faut conférer à ses acteurs, qui doivent s'adapter au contexte social local. D'autre part, les imprimeurs exerçant à Venise sont pour la plupart d'origine étrangère. Dans les premières années, la majorité d'entre eux sont d'origine germanique. D'autres minorités ou communautés ont également contribué au développement de l'industrie. Leur activité était extrêmement instable et précaire. Il s'agit donc de comprendre comment ces artisans et marchands étrangers se sont organisés et comment ils se sont ou non intégrés dans la géographie urbaine et la sociabilité vénitienne. Finalement, ce travail vise à questionner l'existence d'un monde du livre à Venise entre 1469 et 1530, la construction progressive d'un milieu professionnel nouveau autour de l'imprimerie. Notre étude vise à comprendre comment cette industrie nouvelle, apportée par des acteurs étrangers, est parvenue à s'implanter et à croître dans la ville, en s'enracinant dans des institutions, des pratiques législatives, mais également dans le tissu urbain à la fois géographique et social.

for setting up Le Marchand de Venice in 2003 in a new translation which I co-signed and published in the Editions du Bord de l'Eau, the question of the Jew arises in the very act of writing or rewriting, namely staging (the translation being the dramatic event). It is therefore a reflection on my practice as a director in the face of the figure of the other, as a twofold theatre, in a writing based on the interpretation of the text and the representation of the context, that I wish to give me. The history of Shylock's performances in theatre and in its literary 'derivatives' can only feed into this work, which has deliberately gone from re-translation (in collaboration with a translator) to a critical publication of the Venice Marchand. Choosing to bring this controversial and ambiguous coin to the scene means deliberately questioning the place of Jew in contemporary imagination, whose theatre is one of the flagships or prophets. ; International audience ; for setting up Le Marchand de Venice in 2003 in a new translation which I co-signed and published in the Editions du Bord de l'Eau, the question of the Jew arises in the very act of writing or rewriting, namely staging (the translation being the dramatic event). It is therefore a reflection on my practice as a director in the face of the figure of the other, as a twofold theatre, in a writing based on the interpretation of the text and the representation of the context, that I wish to give me. The history of Shylock's performances in theatre and in its literary 'derivatives' can only feed into this work, which has deliberately gone from re-translation (in collaboration with a translator) to a critical publication of the Venice Marchand. Choosing to bring this controversial and ambiguous coin to the scene means deliberately questioning the place of Jew in contemporary imagination, whose theatre is one of the flagships or prophets. ; Pour avoir monté Le Marchand de Venise en 2003 dans une nouvelle traduction que j'ai co-signée et publiée aux Editions du Bord de ...

In the 14th and 15th centuries, Venice, favorably positioned in the Mediterranean, near the great rivers and Alpine passes that led to Lombardy, Germany and Flanders, tried to impose a monopoly on navigation and trade in the Adriatic Sea, which was considered its Gulf. It benefited from its technical advance and its organization (the Arsenal), its ships (hulls, galleys), its financial knowledge, its wealth and the experience acquired by its merchants in the places of the Levant as well as in the West. City without countryside (city without contado), it makes come from outside, by the sea or by the rivers, all that is necessary for its population (building materials, firewood, and all the food, cereals, wine, oil and cattle) and for its naval or textile industry (drapery and silk), it fears to miss and puts at contribution a vast part of Europe, However, it runs up against serious difficulties in the Adriatic itself, However, it faced serious difficulties in the Adriatic itself, with piracy, with the riparian powers, with the competing ports of Ragusa and Ancona, with the intrusion of capital and Tuscan merchants in the ports of Dalmatia, it tried to apply its monopoly to the territories that it dominated politically and that constituted its empire, but, for fear of smuggling that would ruin its customs and tax revenues, it reduced the maritime and commercial activity of its subject territories. Venetian merchants could trade wherever they wanted, but as soon as they entered the Adriatic, they had to go to Venice with their goods and not to another port. Venice seems strong of its power based on solid points of support and on the weakness of its adversaries: if Genoa is not any more a threat, new dangers threaten in the Adriatic itself, the Ottoman Turks against whom Venice begins to lead exhausting wars. ; Aux xive et xve siècles, Venise, placée favorablement en Méditerranée, à proximité des grands fleuves et de cols alpins qui conduisent en Lombardie ou en Allemagne et en Flandre, tente d'imposer un monopole de ...

Aux xive et xve siècles, Venise, placée favorablement en Méditerranée, à proximité des grands fleuves et de cols alpins qui conduisent en Lombardie ou en Allemagne et en Flandre, tente d'imposer un monopole de navigation et de commerce à la mer Adriatique considérée comme son Golfe. Elle bénéficie de son avance technique et de son organisation (l'Arsenal), de ses bateaux (nefs coques, galères), de ses connaissances financières, de sa richesse et de l'expérience acquise par ses marchands sur les places du Levant comme à l'Ouest. Cité sans campagne (ville sans contado), elle fait venir de l'extérieur, par la mer ou par les fleuves, tout ce qui est nécessaire à sa population (matériaux de construction, bois de chauffage, et tout le vivre, céréales, vin, huile et bétail) et à son industrie navale ou textile (draperie et soierie), elle craint de manquer et met à contribution une vaste partie de l'Europe, Pourtant, elle se heurte à de graves difficultés en Adriatique même, à la piraterie, aux puissances riveraines, aux ports concurrents, Raguse et Ancône, à l'intrusion du capital et de marchands toscans dans les ports de Dalmatie, elle cherche à appliquer son monopole aux territoires qu'elle domine politiquement et qui constituent son empire, mais, par peur de la contrebande qui ruinerait ses recettes douanières et fiscales, elle réduit l'activité maritime et commerciale de ses territoires-sujets. Les marchands vénitiens font certes commerce où ils veulent mais dès qu'ils entrent en Adriatique, ils doivent se rendre à Venise avec leurs marchandises et non dans un autre port. Venise semble forte de sa puissance assise sur des points d'appui solides et sur la faiblesse de ses adversaires: si Gênes n'est plus une menace, de nouveaux dangers menacent en Adriatique même, les Turcs ottomans contre qui Venise commence à mener d'épuisantes guerres. ; In the 14th and 15th centuries, Venice, favorably positioned in the Mediterranean, near the great rivers and Alpine passes that led to Lombardy, Germany and Flanders, tried to ...

Political elections in the early modern Republic of Venice used to generate tension between republican, legal, social and religious behavioral norms. As a result, Venetians developed a culture of informal practices called broglio to harmonize these norms. This culture ran parallel to elections and could both thwart and smooth them. The analysis aims to highlight how a pre-election culture of political campaign managed to establish itself though it was forbidden. 1500 Patricians sat in the Great Council every Sunday and even on public holidays to elect candidates. The electoral system was strict: through a complex procedure, only the best, the most competent, and those most loyal to the motherland were to be elected, without any consideration of familial and friendship ties. Patricians called it distributive justice, a concept dating back to Aristotle. Patricians had to favour the interests of the family. Besides, they were integrated in clientele networks, where mutual obligations had to be honoured. Whoever did not respect his social duties was excluded from political life. To reconcile republican norms with familial and friendship's issues, they established an informal culture that existed in parallel with the elections: the broglio. Some practices were legally not permitted, yet tolerated to a certain extent. Others, such as monetary bribery were inacceptable at all levels. ; Les élections politiques dans la République de Venise provoquaient des tensions entre normes républicaines, légales, sociales et religieuses. En conséquence, les patriciens développèrent une culture informelle constituée de diverses pratiques appelée "broglio" pour concilier ces normes. Cette culture se déroulait en parallèle aux élections et pouvait à la fois les dévier de leur objectif principal que les rendre plus fluide. Cette étude a pour objectif de mettre en lumière comment une culture pré-électorale de la campagne politique a réussi à s'imposer alors qu'elle était interdite.1500 patriciens prenaient place dans le Grand Conseil ...

Political elections in the early modern Republic of Venice used to generate tension between republican, legal, social and religious behavioral norms. As a result, Venetians developed a culture of informal practices called broglio to harmonize these norms. This culture ran parallel to elections and could both thwart and smooth them. The analysis aims to highlight how a pre-election culture of political campaign managed to establish itself though it was forbidden. 1500 Patricians sat in the Great Council every Sunday and even on public holidays to elect candidates. The electoral system was strict: through a complex procedure, only the best, the most competent, and those most loyal to the motherland were to be elected, without any consideration of familial and friendship ties. Patricians called it distributive justice, a concept dating back to Aristotle. Patricians had to favour the interests of the family. Besides, they were integrated in clientele networks, where mutual obligations had to be honoured. Whoever did not respect his social duties was excluded from political life. To reconcile republican norms with familial and friendship's issues, they established an informal culture that existed in parallel with the elections: the broglio. Some practices were legally not permitted, yet tolerated to a certain extent. Others, such as monetary bribery were inacceptable at all levels. ; Les élections politiques dans la République de Venise provoquaient des tensions entre normes républicaines, légales, sociales et religieuses. En conséquence, les patriciens développèrent une culture informelle constituée de diverses pratiques appelée "broglio" pour concilier ces normes. Cette culture se déroulait en parallèle aux élections et pouvait à la fois les dévier de leur objectif principal que les rendre plus fluide. Cette étude a pour objectif de mettre en lumière comment une culture pré-électorale de la campagne politique a réussi à s'imposer alors qu'elle était interdite.1500 patriciens prenaient place dans le Grand Conseil chaque dimanche et pendant les jours fériés pour élire les candidats. Le système électoral était strict : à travers une procédure complexe, seul le meilleur, le plus compétent et le plus loyal envers la patrie devait être élu sans prendre en considération les liens familiaux et clientélaires. Les patriciens appelaient ce principe "justice distributive" en référence au concept d'Aristote. Or, les patriciens devaient également soutenir les intérêts de leur famille. De plus, ils étaient intégrés dans un réseau clientélaire où les obligations mutuelles devaient être respectées. Si un patricien ne les honorait pas, il était exclu de la vie politique. Afin de réconcilier les normes républicaines avec les enjeux familiaux ou les intérêts de leurs amis et clients, les patriciens ont développé une culture informelle parallèle aux élections : le broglio. Certaines pratiques étaient illégales mais elles étaient tolérées de fait. D'autres, telle la corruption par l'argent, n'étaient ni légales ni légitimes.

Today somehow put aside as compared to Garibaldi or Mazzini, Daniele Manin is however one of the most famous actor of the Risorgimento in nineteen century France : the remarks about him in Pierre Larousse's Dictionnaire Universel du XIXe siècle or the street which was given his name in Paris are relevant enough to highlight his importance and his fame. To make a fair French political reconstitution of the Venitian hero, we must be fully aware of the foreshadowing factors that led to Daniele Manin's fame, by giving another vision of the Revolution in Venice through the prism of the French references in the making up of the Venitian, references which had been triggered off by the proclamation in Venice of the Republic but also, by questioning Manin's real part in the first events of the Venitian Quarantotto. The Parisian exile period along with the creation of the Società Nazionale finally give to the character a genuine Italian dimension as well as an astounding reputation among the French political Sphere in the 1850's and even beyond, up to the eve of the 1880's. The particular analysis of the reception structures added to the political representation of one of the founders of the Risorgimento in Second Empire France compel us to question the French memorial construction after Daniele Manin's death. An entanglement of links, personal echoes and memorial uses that fit in a much wider historical perspective of the relationship between France and Italy from the Second Republic to the Empire period, from the "first Italian independence war (1848-1849)", to the 1866 war which gave birth to Italian Veneto. ; Aujourd'hui quelque peu oublié par rapport à Garibaldi ou Mazzini, Daniele Manin est pourtant l'un des acteurs du Risorgimento les plus populaires dans la France du XIXe siècle : la notice du Grand Dictionnaire Universel du XIXe siècle de Pierre Larousse ou la rue qui porte son nom à Paris suffiraient à en rappeler l'importance et la notoriété. Pour reconstituer la configuration politique française du héros ...