L'article est une tentative d'indiquer les problèmes les plus importants qui concernent la coopération des États du groupe de Visegrád au cours de 25 ans de son existence. L'auteur essaie de démontrer que, jusqu'à présent, le V4 n'a pas élaboré de modèle durable d'une coopération régionale sur la scène de l'UE, et que son existence et son activité ont une nature aléatoire et dépendent de problèmes communs à caractère géopolitique, qui se produisent occasionnellement. ; This article attempts to outline the main problems besetting cooperation between countries in the Višegrad Group since its establishment 25 years ago. The author shows that until now, the V4 has not developed any sustainable model for regional cooperation within the EU, that its existence and activities are essentially random and that they depend on common problems of a geopolitical nature that occur sporadically.
L'Union européenne intègre différents ensembles d'États membres liés dans le cadre d'accords spécifiques. Le groupe de Visegrád (V4) réunit ainsi la Hongrie, la Pologne, la République tchèque et la Slovaquie, à l'origine dans le cadre d'une coopération en vue de faciliter l'adhésion des quatre pays après la chute du mur de Berlin. Par la suite, le V4 a changé d'objectif et constitue désormais un ensemble fondé sur une coopération politique au sein de l'Union européenne. Cette alliance particulière a-t‑elle une influence positive ou négative sur l'intégration européenne ? ; The European Union has specific agreements with different groups of Member States. The Višegrad Group (V4), comprising Hungary, Poland, the Czech Republic and Slovakia, was originally set up as a framework for cooperation to facilitate membership of the four countries after the fall of the Berlin Wall. Subsequently, the V4 changed its aims to become a group cooperating on policy within the EU. We discuss here whether this particular alliance has had a positive or negative influence on European integration.
Apstrakt: Bosansko podrinje činilo je, između dva svjetska rata, osam kotara: Bijeljina Čajniče, Foča, Rogatica, Srebrenica, Višegrad, Vlasenica i Zvornik. Čajniče, Foča, Rogatica i Višegrad bili su sastavni dio Sarajevskog okruga, a Bijeljina, Srebrenica, Vlsenica i Zvornik, Tuzlanskog okruga. Na području Bosanskog podrinja živjelo je 269.961 stanovnika ili 14,28% ukupnog stanovništva Bosne i Hercegovine. Muslimana je bilo 118.081 ili 43,74%, pravoslavaca 145.094 ili 53,75%, rimokatolika 3.674 ili 1,36%, grkokatolika 73 ili 0,03%, evangelika 2.108 ili 0,78%, jevreja 831 ili 0,31%, te drugih i bez konfesije 109 ili 0,04%. Muslimani su činili većinu stanovništva kotara Čajniče, Rogatica, Foča i Srebrenica a pravoslavci kotara Bijeljina, Višegrad, Vlasenica i Zvornik. Na području Bosanskog podrinja živjeli su Slovenci (249), Čehoslovaci (348), Rusini (22), Poljaci (122), Rusi (190), Mađari (682), Nijemci (2.695), Albanci (72), Turci (10), Rumuni (203), Italijani (30) i ostali (826). Prema popisu stanovništva iz 1931. godine, u Bosni i Hercegovini je živjelo 2.323.555 stanovnika ili 16,68% ukupnog stanovništva Kraljevine Jugoslavije. U Bosanskom podrinju živjelo je 340.597 stanovnika ili 14,66% ukupnog stanovništva Bosne i Hercegovine. Muslimana je bilo 149.783 ili 43,98%, pravoslavaca 182.046 ili 53.45%, rimokatolika 4.966 ili 1,46%, evangelika 2.351 ili 0,69%, ostalih kršćana 130 ili 0,04% te drugih i bez konfesije 663 ili 0,19%. Muslimani su činili većinu stanovništva u kotarima Čajniče, Rogatica, Foča i Zvornik a pravoslavci u kotarima Bijeljina, Srebrenica, Višegrad i Vlasenica. Pismenost stanovništva Bosne i Hercegovine bila je na niskom nivou. Trebalo je puno raditi da se ovakvo stanje popravi. To nije bilo nimalo jednostavno jer se "nova država" suočavala sa mnogobrojnim problemima koje nije bilo moguće brzo riješiti. Bosna i Hercegovina je između dva svjetska rata bila izrazito agrarna zemlja. U Drinskoj banovini je 1931. godine živjelo 1,534.739 stanovnika. Muškaraca je bilo 773.001 ili 50, 37%, a žena 761.738 ili 49,63%. Osoba koje zarađuju za život bilo je 665.665 ili 43,37%, a izdržavanih osoba 869.074 ili 56,63%. Među osobama zarađuju bilo je 468.079 muškaraca ili 60,55% i 197.568 žena ili 25,94%. Među izdržavanim osobama bilo je 564. 152 žene ili 74,06% i 304.922 muškarca ili 39,45%. Ključne riječi: Bosna i Hercegovina, Bosansko podrinje, period između dva svjetska rata, demografske promjene, socijalne promjene, pismenost.
Preliminary Material -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- Cosmopolitan nationalism -- In a search of a slav mission: authenticity and barbarity -- The Gentlemen -- The prophets of Europe's downfall and rebirth -- Oh, to be a Europen! What did Rastko Petrović learn in Africa? -- The great mechanism passes through Višegrad -- Misunderstading is the rule, understanding is a miracle -- Epilogue: Barbarians -- Dramatis personae in order of appearance -- Bibliography -- Index.
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Abstract International criminal justice is filled with living, dead, and dying bodies. While witnesses detail atrocities in the courtroom, such testimonies are largely considered for their evidentiary value to establish innocence or guilt. In this article, I explore how death, grief, and mourning are represented at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). I focus on the ICTY documentary, Crimes Before the ICTY: Višegrad, to analyse how filmic representations of international criminal justice register dead, dying, and grieving bodies. Drawing on Queer Death Studies and relational ontologies, I explore the more-than-human and non/living worlds through which death, grief, and mourning are represented in the film. A queer relational approach reveals and challenges the construction of the dead as evidence and death worlds as crime scenes. This approach illuminates how the natural world and buildings, bridges, and artifacts are vestiges, witnesses, and sites of death and grief in Višegrad. My analysis explores how these representations in the ICTY documentary reinforce civilizational logics and reductive representations of violence at the same time as they illuminate relational encounters of death and dying in international criminal justice, thus enriching attempts to see, know, and feel loss in the wake of violence.
Introduction / Barbara Törnquist-Plewa -- Wrocław : changes in memory narratives / Igor Pietraszewski and Barbara Törnquist-Plewa -- Between old animosity and new mourning : meanings of Czech post-communist memorials of mass killings of the Sudeten Germans / Tomas Sniegon -- Polishness as a site of memory and arena for construction of a multicultural heritage in Lʹviv / Eleonora Narvselius -- Memories of ethnic diversity in local newspapers : the 600th anniversary of Chernivtsi / Niklas Bernsand -- Zaratini : memories and absence of the Italian community of Zadar / Tea Sindbaek -- Echo of silence : memory, politics and heritage in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina, a case study: Višegrad / Dragan Nikolic -- Comparative remarks and conclusions / Barbara Törnquist-Plewa.
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The history and contemporary situation of Muslim communities in Eastern Europe are explored here from three angles. First, survival, telling of the resilience of these Muslim communities in the face of often restrictive state policies and hostile social environments, especially during the Communist period. next, their subsequent revival in the aftermath of the Cold War. And last, transformation, looking at the profound changes currently taking place in the demographic composition of the communities and in the forms of Islam practiced by them. The reader is shows a picture of the general trends common the Muslim communities of Eastern Europe, and the special characteristics of clusters of states, such as the Baltics, the Balkans, the Višegrad states and the European states of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS)
Half a century after the Holocaust, on European soil, Bosnian Serbs orchestrated a system of concentration camps where they subjected their Bosniak Muslim and Bosnian Croat neighbors to torture, abuse, and killing. Foreign journalists exposed the horrors of the camps in the summer of 1992, sparking worldwide outrage. This exposure, however, did not stop the mass atrocities. Hikmet Karčić shows that the use of camps and detention facilities has been a ubiquitous practice in countless wars and genocides in order to achieve the wartime objectives of perpetrators. Although camps have been used for different strategic purposes, their essential functions are always the same: to inflict torture and lasting trauma on the victims. Torture, Humiliate, Kill develops the author's collective traumatization theory, which contends that the concentration camps set up by the Bosnian Serb authorities had the primary purpose of inflicting collective trauma on the non-Serb population of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This collective traumatization consisted of excessive use of torture, sexual abuse, humiliation, and killing. The physical and psychological suffering imposed by these methods were seen as a quick and efficient means to establish the Serb "living space." Karčić argues that this trauma was deliberately intended to deter non-Serbs from ever returning to their pre-war homes. The book centers on multiple examples of experiences at concentration camps in four towns operated by Bosnian Serbs during the war: Prijedor, Bijeljina, Višegrad, and Bileća. Chosen according to their political and geographical position, Karčić demonstrates that these camps were used as tools for the ethno-religious genocidal campaign against non-Serbs. Torture, Humiliate, Kill is a thorough and definitive resource for understanding the function and operation of camps during the Bosnian genocide.
This report will examine the trends of radicalization in Bosnia and Herzegovina using two hotspots as that represent the manifestations of radicalization in currant Bosnia and Herzegovina. One of the hotspots will present religiously motivated radicalism embodied in Mevlid Jašarević who is a member of Salafi community in Bosnia and Herzegovina, who executed an attack on the United States embassy in Sarajevo and the second hotspot represents ethno-nationalistic radicalism embodied in Chetnic movement (Serb radical ethno-nationalistic organization) and its gathering in Višegrad (Town in eastern Bosnia and Herzegovina). Using the two above mentioned hotspots and perpetrators involved in events mentioned report will analyse three levels of radicalization: • Micro level: Personal Factors (Background of Individual Actors) • Meso Level: Social Setting Factors (Groups, Networks, Communities) • Macro Level: Institutional, Systemic and Structural Factors Analysing the three levels of radicalization will give us an overview of factors driving and supporting radicalization that correlate with each of the identified hotspots. This report will also talk about factors that are related to political and socio-cultural environment of the individuals responsible for the hotspots that facilitated the violent acts. These facilitating factors of radicalization will give us an overview that make violent acts possible or attractive. Using I-GAP spectrum, constructivist method, the report traces the motives that drive radicalization of perpetrators described in the hotspots. For each hotspot, country reports will examine four aspects of radicalization that motivate individuals to engage in violent extremism. Country reports will ground the chosen hotspots in perceptions of injustice, which lead to grievance, alienation and polarization (I-GAP), and finally culminate in the violent act.
Half a century after the Holocaust, on European soil, Bosnian Serbs orchestrated a system of concentration camps where they subjected their Bosniak Muslim and Bosnian Croat neighbors to torture, abuse, and killing. Foreign journalists exposed the horrors of the camps in the summer of 1992, sparking worldwide outrage. This exposure, however, did not stop the mass atrocities. Hikmet Karčić shows that the use of camps and detention facilities has been a ubiquitous practice in countless wars and genocides in order to achieve the wartime objectives of perpetrators. Although camps have been used for different strategic purposes, their essential functions are always the same: to inflict torture and lasting trauma on the victims.
Torture, Humiliate, Kill develops the author's collective traumatization theory, which contends that the concentration camps set up by the Bosnian Serb authorities had the primary purpose of inflicting collective trauma on the non-Serb population of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This collective traumatization consisted of excessive use of torture, sexual abuse, humiliation, and killing. The physical and psychological suffering imposed by these methods were seen as a quick and efficient means to establish the Serb "living space." Karčić argues that this trauma was deliberately intended to deter non-Serbs from ever returning to their pre-war homes. The book centers on multiple examples of experiences at concentration camps in four towns operated by Bosnian Serbs during the war: Prijedor, Bijeljina, Višegrad, and Bileća. Chosen according to their political and geographical position, Karčić demonstrates that these camps were used as tools for the ethno-religious genocidal campaign against non-Serbs. Torture, Humiliate, Kill is a thorough and definitive resource for understanding the function and operation of camps during the Bosnian genocide.
