Suchergebnisse

The role of NATO in the maintenance of regional security was assessed from a random sample of 1000 residents in the Serbian entity Republika Srpska (RS) – part of Bosnia and Herzegovina – in the fall of 2011. Attitudes to NATO were largely divided along ethnic lines. Evidence of positive attitudes towards NATO was mostly found among (i) non-Serbs (71%) compared with Serbs (18%), (ii) women and (iii) respondents over 65 years. Specific features underpinning these responses were analysed and modelled, which included consequences of NATO membership in the domain of security, economics, international reputation and international relations. A main effects general linear model was able to predict 25.7% of the variance. Ethnicity, age group, level of education, degree of trust in politicians, understanding the role and purpose of NATO and the importance attached to reaching a common understanding of the past were significant predictors. Logistic regression models of a pro- or anti-NATO stance predicted considerably higher variation and showed that the importance attached to reaching a common understanding of the past is predicated, not on ethnicity per se, but on general responses to NATO and whether Serbia would benefit from NATO membership. The implications of these findings for political stability and reconciliation within the region are discussed.

Confiscation of objects is a protective measure provided in misdemeanor law which may be applied to confiscate objects used in the commission of a misdemeanor, those intended for the commission of a misdemeanor, and those resulting from the commission of a misdemeanor. The imposition of this protective measure encroaches on the exercise of the property rights of the person who is the owner of the confiscated items, who may or may not be the person who owns the confiscated items. In this paper, the author analyzes this protective measure from the point of view of the property rights of the person who has been imposed this protective measure. In its practice, the European Court of Human Rights highlighted the criteria that must be taken into account when assessing whether property rights have been violated when imposing this protective measure. These criteria are also accepted and respected by the constitutional courts of the countries in the region. The object of confiscation can also be a vehicle, in case of a customs misdemeanor and a misdemeanor in the field of traffic violations. Pursuant to the new legal provisions on this matter, which are expected to enter into force in the near future, a vehicle may be confiscated from a person who has committed a traffic misdemeanor. The same measure may also be imposed on persons who are repeated traffic offenders, which actually gives this sanction the character of a punishment rather than a protective measure.

For the first time in 22 years, an official census of population was carried
out on the territory of the Republika Srpska. This is the first time that we
have data (preliminary results) based on which we can examine the
demographic situation, spatial distribution of the population and certain
ongoing demographic processes. Based on the analysis of preliminary results
on the total number of enumerated persons and through the analysis of
natural increase in migration flows, the article will present the
demographic problem faced by the Republika Srpska. The analysis of first
results shows that entire regions have low population densities, being
affected by depopulation which is caused mainly by negative natural
movements and migrations. Rural areas which represented a demographic
potential are being depopulated and some of them have no inhabitants at all.
The unfavourable spatial distribution, low level of natural regeneration and
constant emigration seriously endanger the total number of population in the
Republika Srpska, which has been steadily declining ever since 2002.
Constant negative socio-economic effects in the short term could jeopardize
the development of the population and the very maintenance of infrastructure
in settlements in Republika Srpska.

The war in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) had two notable consequences. The first is the complex institutional structure, and the second is the war-induced displacement. The article's exclusive emphasis is on the latter consequence. The violent ethnic homogenization and territorialization between 1992 and 1995 permanently altered and severely damaged the ethnic composition of the ountry. Even though the non-Serbs were forcibly displaced and then returned voluntarily to their home of origin, the returnees are confronted with the secessionist threat and the continuous challenge of life in Republika Srpska (RS). The article aims to address the continuing challenges faced by Bosniak returnees in the RS, with particular emphasis on the connections between returnee experiences and the unresolved threat of secession. To explore the social, political, and economic challenges faced by returnees and the impact of increasing separatist agitation and tendencies in the RS on Bosniak returnees, a field study was carried out in six municipalities located in East Bosnia: Zvornik, Bratunac, Vlasenica, Milići, Srebrenica, and Višegrad.

As a democratic & economically developed country, whose interests are not any different from those of Western democratic states, the Republic of Croatia may be a decisive factor in the future processes of stabilization in the region. It occupies a very important place in the regional geopolitical structures & might influence the future development of the neighboring countries & regions, especially through the continuation of democratic transition & the improvement of the relations with its neighbors. Hence, the importance of its policies. Its future geopolitical initiatives regarding the stabilization & security of the region can be viewed in relation to their importance within global & regional geopolitical structures, to its participation in the processes of the fragmentation of Southeastern Europe, & to its geographical, cultural/religious, & historical/geopolitical environment. 3 Figures. Adapted from the source document.

As a democratic and economically developed country, whose interests are not any different from those of Western democratic states, the Republic of Croatia may be a decisive factor in the future processes of stabilization in the region. It occupies a very important place in the regional geopolitical structures and might influence the future development of the neighbouring countries and regions, especially through the continuation of democratic transition and the improvement of the relations with its neighbours. Hence the importance of its policies. Its future geopolitical initiatives regarding the stabilization and security of the region can be viewed in relation to their importance within global and regional geopolitical structures, to its participation in the processes of the fragmentation of South-East Europe, and to its geographical, cultural/religious, and historical/geopolitical environment. (SOI : PM: S. 172)

Nowadays, the more is being said about democracy and human rights, the more refugees there are. There are many reasons for such a situation but one of the most important ones is the fact that global powers consider their own interests inspired by geopolitics to be more important than international law, unambiguously proved by the casus of Western Sahara, whose citizens have been waiting for the referendum promised by the U.N. for 40 years now. Some of them are waiting for the settlement of the dispute under Moroccan occupation, and some in refugee camps in Algerian Sahara. The latter even organized a state in exile, Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic, whose structures were able to provide for survival – with the assistance of Algeria, the U.N. and many nother humanitarian organizations – for over 150 000 Sahara people, at the standard much higher than of other refugees living in over 100 camps globally. They are waiting patiently, they do not use terror, although Islamic fundamentalism is getting closer and closer to the centre of the Sahara and may present an alternative to the desperate ones. It is insignificant in terms of thinking about peace in that region, whether the result of the referendum will be favourable for Morocco or the independence of Western Sahara. The referendum simply should be held. It would be important not only for the entire region, mainly Morocco and Algeria, but also for France, which intervening elsewhere – very close recently – has mouth full of platitudes on democracy and human rights.3,99zł

It is clear from political science literature that political parties are not static entities. Similar to other political institutions, they tend to transform with time, in response to changes in their surrounding environment. If the economic, social, cultural and political parameters in society are to substantially change, it is possible to deduce a change in the role of a political party and its organisational structure. The transition from totalitarian to democratic societies in Central, and partially in Eastern Europe, presents a process so unique that one may legitimately question if this has not resulted in a serious modification of the catch-all party type. In the region of Central Europe, Czechoslovakia - and after 1993 the Czech Republic - presents a special case, where during political and economic transformation next to general features, specific factors were also enforced, which eventually influenced the set-up and formation of parties in their early stages. It is left to consideration and further scrutiny to decide whether the unrepeatable environment of the Czech-Moravian melting pot, has not cultivated the clientelistic form of political party. Adapted from the source document.

Artykuł Republika Czeczenii w dwie dekady po wojnie: bezpieczeństwo, gospodarka, społeczeństwo opisuje pod wieloma względami, w tym społecznym, gospodarczym i bezpieczeństwa, sytuację tej małej republiki kaukaskiej wchodzącej w skład Federacji Rosyjskiej. Autor wylicza, a następnie analizuje główne paradygmaty polityki Czeczenii, podkreślając rolę i znaczenie społeczeństwa teipańskiego oraz nieformalną rolę szariatu, czyli zbioru zasad prawnych (w tym tego, co szczególnie istotne w odniesieniu do Czeczenii, prawo zwyczajowe) regulujące zachowania i zwyczaje w świecie muzułmańskim. Podkreśla rosnące znaczenie tej małej republiki zarówno w stosunkach wewnętrznych, jak i w pewnym stopniu w stosunkach międzynarodowych, czego przykładem jest udział Czeczenów w konflikcie gruzińsko-syryjskim czy Ukrainie, co jest obecnie mocno nagłaśniane przez czeczeńskich mediach społecznościowych. Zdaniem autora na uwagę zasługują osiągnięcia władz czeczeńskich w odbudowie republiki ze zniszczeń wojennych, których wyrazem było utworzenie niemal od podstaw nowoczesnej aglomeracji miejskiej w Groznym. Nie sposób jednak nie zauważyć, że wszystko to odbywa się kosztem nieprzestrzegania praw człowieka, braku poszanowania prawa Federacji Rosyjskiej, a także działań władz republiki, charakteru z nich często stanowią przestępstwa. Z drugiej strony trudno nie zauważyć, że region kaukaski nigdy w swojej historii nie był obszarem podatnym na europejskie wartości wynikające z międzynarodowych osiągnięć w obszarze poszanowania wolności i swobód obywatelskich. Pod tym względem Czeczenii daleko jest nie tylko do krajów Europy Zachodniej, ale nawet do autorytarnej Federacji Rosyjskiej. Autor publikacji Republika Czeczenii dwie dekady po wojnie: bezpieczeństwo, gospodarka, społeczeństwo zarysowuje także perspektywy dalszego rozwoju sytuacji w tej północnokaukaskiej republice oraz w jej bliższym i dalszym otoczeniu zewnętrznym, które bezpośrednio lub pośrednio dotyka zarówno Czeczenię, jak i Federację Rosyjską.