In Vienna
In: Index on censorship, Band 18, Heft 1, S. 30-30
ISSN: 1746-6067
5618 Ergebnisse
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In: Index on censorship, Band 18, Heft 1, S. 30-30
ISSN: 1746-6067
In: Space and Culture, Band 17, Heft 4, S. 336-345
ISSN: 1552-8308
"Death in Vienna" is intended as an introduction to this themed issue on The Dark Spectacle: Landscapes of Devastation in Film and Photography. Drawing on Susan Sontag's Regarding the Pain of Others, the articles gathered here address the representation of unsettling subject matter (war, ecological catastrophe, destructive urbanization) in a variety of visual media. The collection's specific focus is on the important role played by space in the depiction of disturbing events. Do images portraying death and destruction generate documents, or do they create works of art? Does their beauty drain "attention from the sobering subject?" "Death in Vienna" addresses these and other related questions with reference to Yevgeny Khaldei's photography, specifically a shocking image he took in Vienna during the final days of the World War II. Together with Sontag, this article also questions our "right to look" at images of extreme suffering.
In: Vienna Circle Institute yearbook 12
Frank Ramsey : a biographical sketch / Gabriele Taylor -- Wittgenstein and Ramsey / Brian McGuinness -- The vicious circle principle / Michael Dummett -- Ramsey's psychological theory of belief / Patrick Suppes -- Discovering "Weight, or the value of knowledge" / Brian Skyrms -- Ramsey's Ramsey-sentences / Stathis Psillos -- Ramsey and the Vienna Circle on logicism / Eckehart Köhler -- Logical problems suggested by logicism / J.W. Degen -- The foundation of human evaluation in democracies from Ramsey to Damasio / Werner Leinfellner -- Ramsey's "Note on time" / Maria Carla Galavotti
In: European business review, Band 12, Heft 1, S. 50-52
ISSN: 1758-7107
In: Bulletin of the atomic scientists, Band 14, Heft 9, S. 341-344
ISSN: 1938-3282
In: Telos, Heft 68, S. 7-38
ISSN: 0040-2842, 0090-6514
The current revival of interest in turn-of-the-century Vienna, Austria, as evidenced by museum exhibits in several countries, is analyzed. It is argued that the exhibits' presentation of Vienna as isolated from the rest of the world corresponds to contemporary political interest in central European neutrality resulting from the West German peace movement & reaction to US foreign policy. The connection between the anti-Semitism of Kurt Waldheim & the "Vienna fascination" are explored, focusing on an examination of Waldheim's political character in psychoanalytic terms. It is argued that Waldheim's vision of neutrality is rooted in a psychological predisposition to avoid resolving conflicts, & that his anti-Semitism is based on Oedipal fear of the power of the Jewish patriarchs. The success of Waldheim's campaign is viewed as evidence of a sensibility in political culture that combines myth & gestures of revolt, similar to the new irrationalism of turn-of-the-century Vienna. K. Carande
In: The international & comparative law quarterly: ICLQ, Band 2, Heft 2, S. 308-309
ISSN: 1471-6895
In: Asian affairs: an American review, Band 2, Heft 4, S. 246-263
ISSN: 1940-1590
In: Asian affairs: an American review, Band 2, Heft 4, S. 246
ISSN: 0092-7678
In: Annals of Public and Cooperative Economics, Band 43, Heft 1, S. 3-4
ISSN: 1467-8292
While I would not like to saddle the military historian Gordon A. Craig with the content of this book still it would not be complete without saying that encouragement to pursue this line of thought came from him. I showed him some photographs of municipal apartment blocks, known as Gemeindebauten, built by the Social Democrats in Vienna between the wars and he spontaneously labeled the architecture "provocative." Hans and Rudolph Hautmann had recently compiled a comprehensive book on the apartment projects of Red Vienna, but I wanted to visit the sites myself, being less enthusiastic than they were about the architecture and more suspicious of socialist motives. I had earlier noticed the fortress-like characteristics of many buildings and began to wonder about locations as well as designs and building materials. I visited the 375 sites over the next few years taking pictures from different angles. I spent a few months paging through the surviving documents from the City Building Office or Stadtbauamt. They give no indication that anyone in city government intended to build fortresses or indeed had any idea that many of the buildings included characteristics that might be suited for use in an armed conflict. Many documents are missing, but the conclusion is inescapable that there is no written evidence to suggest that anyone had military motives connected with the projects. In other words, it is all but impossible to prove from existing written sources that the socialist government was building a sort of urban Maginot Line. Gaps in the documents—the numbers are consecutive--can be explained because staff members could borrow them. When they did not return, admonitions followed, but some remained in private hands or were lost forever. It is certainly possible that documents were destroyed. A major objective of this study is to expand the definition of the politics connected with the building program. Until now politics has been defined narrowly in relation to the program alone, namely how leaders overcame problems in housing, with financing for example, arising from social motives of a local sort confined to Vienna rather than broadly in terms of the confrontation between Left and Right in Austria involving armed force that eventually led to civil war. This study aims to keep in mind the political and military tensions that grew at the same time the housing program unfolded. The war of 1934 was more than a brief and unpleasant episode with little relation to the building program or the role the projects happened to play. It was more than the "February Days," as the war is often called euphemistically. Violence in civil society was never far from consideration during the entire period between 1919 and 1934. Both sides were heavily armed from the start, both sides knew it, and the housing projects, heavily populated by socialists, did nothing to alleviate the tensions. On the contrary, the ubiquitous buildings exacerbated the tendency, adding concealed weapons to outwardly threatening bunkers all over the city until the socialists decided that they could rebel successfully in response to fascist provocations by the government to impose their will on the rest of Austria from Vienna. Politics of a more rudimentary sort regarding a monopoly over coercive force within the state influenced the housing program throughout the First Republic.
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