Suchergebnisse

The decades between the end of 1960s and 1980s have been characterised by radical transformation, drastic changes and an escalation of political violence. Through a comparative socio-historical approach, this paper will explore the British and Italian state actions in dealing with forms of organised political violence. The aim of this work is to investigate the role of punishment and penal policy in the design of counterterrorism strategies by comparing the Italian and British struggles against forms of organised political violence between 1969 and 1983. Specifically, this work considers and moves from the employment of categories like the internment and the criminalisation of political violence, commonly used to frame the Northern Ireland conflict, to analyse the counterterrorism strategies adopted by the Italian state during the 1970s and the 1980s. The paper aims to shed light on the role played by the prison system in the state action against organised political violence and wants to stress both the transformative impact of combining penal and counterterrorism policies, and the backlash effect of repressive punishment.

Today as yesterday, gender violence continues to be a cancer in society and is one of the principal cuases of death and injury to women in the world, according to the latest report from the World Health Organization. In fact, concern about mistreatment of women is present in Mills' work, showing that when we speak of domestic violence we speak not of a new social phenomenon, of the 21st century, but of an evil silent in private, and silenced in public throughout history. This article tackles the different dimensions of gender violence, not focused only in the family, and analyses the alternatives -with all their weaknesses and strengths- put forward by John Stuart Mill to eradicate the so-called domestic terrorism of the 19th century. Again liberty and equality must go hand in hand in a democratic state to guarantee the safety of citizens and the full development of their subjective rights. ; Hoy, tanto como ayer, la violencia de género sigue erigiéndose en lacra social por antonomasia, constitutyendo una de las principales causas de muerte y agresión de mujeres en el mundo según el último informe de la Organización Mundial de la Salud. De hecho, la preocupación por los malos tratos aparece más que presente a lo largo de la obra de los Mill, lo que viene a demostrar que cuando hablamos de violencia de género no hablamos de un fenómeno social nuevo, propio del contexto del siglo XXI, sino de un mal silencioso en lo privado y silenciado por lo público. En este artículo abordaremos las distintas dimensiones de la violencia de género, no sólo centrado en el contexto familiar, y analizaremos las alternativas -con sus limitaciones y grandezas- ofrecidas por John Stuart Mill para erradicar el llamado terrorismo doméstico del siglo XIX. Nuevamente libertad e igualdad deben darse la mano en el Estado de Derecho para garantizar la seguridad de la ciudadanía y el desarrollo pleno de sus derechos subjetivos.

ABSTRACT
On the night of July, 6, 1941, under the cover of darkness, a group of Ukrainian assailants armed with bats, shovels, and other weapons attacked their Jewish neighbors in Tuchyn, a small town just outside of Rivne, killing dozens and wounding more. Through the testimony of perpetrators, victims, and local witnesses, this article not only reestablishes the events leading up to, during, and following the pogrom against Tuchyn's Jews, but also provides biographical sketches of the local perpetrators and those in the community who enabled it. While there has been increasingly sophisticated work on the summer 1941 pogroms in Eastern Europe, scholars have yet to identify and thoroughly analyze local participants. From a deeper probe into local perpetrators' organizational affiliations, social networks, and their place in the quickly changing and dynamic political situation, this article questions the analytical categories we use to frame local perpetrators, as well as the pogroms. In doing so it offers new insights on the participants, while demonstrating the possibilities for new more dynamic avenues for future research on pogrom violence.

Somehow people continue to imagine a world of justice against the odds of a deck that has been stacked against them. In her urgent and perceptive book, Life in and against the Odds, Hoechst focuses on the particular circumstances and conditions of different phases of speculative expansion in the United States. She traces the roots of the nation-state to nineteenth-century land markets and slave exchanges. Hoechst also chronicles how these racial foundations extend through corporate capitalism from the 1920s and ́30s to the present era of financialized capitalism and the recent housing bubble. Life in and against the Odds identifies where and how speculative nationalism creates roadblocks to freedom. Hoechst retells the history of the United States with a perspective on how human lives are made, destroyed, reconfigured, and claimed under the systemic violence of a nation that is rooted in the racializing futurity of speculative capitalism.--

Cities across the global south are seeing unprecedented levels of violence that generate intense risks and vulnerability. Such problems are often experienced most viscerally among poorer residents, thus reinforcing longstanding socio-spatial conditions of exclusion, inequality, and reduced quality of life for those most exposed to urban violence. Frequently, these problems are understood through the lens of poverty, informality, and limited employment opportunities. Yet an undertheorized and equally significant factor in the rise of urban violence derives from the shifting territorialities of governance and power, which are both cause and consequence of ongoing struggles within and between citizens and state authorities over the planning and control of urban space. This article suggests that a relatively underexplored but revealing way to understand these dynamics, and how they drive violence, is through the lens of sovereignty. Drawing on examples primarily from Mexico, and other parts of urban Latin America, I suggest that problems of urban violence derive from fragmented sovereignty, a condition built upon the emergence of alternative, competing, and at times overlapping networks of territorial authority at the scale of the city, nation, and globe. In addition to theorizing the shifting spatial correlates of sovereignty among state and non-state armed actors, and showing how these dynamics interact with urbanization patterns to produce violence, I argue that the spatial form of the city both produces and is produced by changing political and economic relations embedded in urban planning principles. That is, urban planning practices must be seen as the cause, and not merely the solution, to problems of urban violence and its deleterious effects. Using these claims to dialogue with urban planners, this essay calls for new efforts to redesign cities and urban spaces with a focus on territorial connectivities and socio-spatial integration, so as to push back against the limits of fragmented sovereignty arrangements, minimize violence, and foster inclusion and justice.

[EN] Based on the case study of the process of exhumation, reburial and territorial demarcation of two mass graves of women killed by Francoism in Candeleda (Ávila) and Grazalema (Cádiz), this article accounts for the processes and tensions around mass graves as sites of memory. Different forms of interpreting the ritualization of significative moments during the recovery of bodies of the executed by Francoism are discussed, as well as the tensions around dominant sites of memory and the mass grave after the exhumation. Also, these cases allow us to analyze dominant narratives around violence against women, their possible political involvement, as well as the ways to conceive and represent them implemented by civil society and institutions in those processes. ; [ES] A partir del estudio de caso de la exhumación, reinhumación y demarcación territorial como lugar de memoria de dos fosas de mujeres represaliadas en la retaguardia sublevada y franquista en Candeleda (Ávila) y Grazalema (Cádiz), el presente artículo da cuenta de los procesos y tensiones que transitan las fosas comunes como lugares de memoria. Se ponen en cuestión aquí diferentes formas de interpretar la ritualización de los momentos significativos de recuperación de los cuerpos de los ejecutados/as por el franquismo, y de las tensiones en torno a lugares de memoria dominantes y la fosa común después de la exhumación. Estos casos nos permitirán analizar también las narrativas dominantes en torno a la(s) violencia(s) contra las mujeres, su posible compromiso político, así como las formas de concebirlas y representarlas que se ponen en marcha tanto desde la sociedad civil como desde las instituciones en estos procesos

A partir del estudio de caso de la exhumación, reinhumación y demarcación territorial como lugar de memoria de dos fosas de mujeres represaliadas en la retaguardia sublevada y franquista en Candeleda (Ávila) y Grazalema (Cádiz), el presente artículo da cuenta de los procesos y tensiones que transitan las fosas comunes como lugares de memoria. Se ponen en cuestión aquí diferentes formas de interpretar la ritualización de los momentos significativos de recuperación de los cuerpos de los ejecutados/as por el franquismo, y de las tensiones en torno a lugares de memoria dominantes y la fosa común después de la exhumación. Estos casos nos permitirán analizar también las narrativas dominantes en torno a la(s) violencia(s) contra las mujeres, su posible compromiso político, así como las formas de concebirlas y representarlas que se ponen en marcha tanto desde la sociedad civil como desde las instituciones en estos procesos. ; Based on the case study of the process of exhumation, reburial and territorial demarcation of two mass graves of women killed by Francoism in Candeleda (Ávila) and Grazalema (Cádiz), this article accounts for the processes and tensions around mass graves as sites of memory. Different forms of interpreting the ritualization of significative moments during the recovery of bodies of the executed by Francoism are discussed, as well as the tensions around dominant sites of memory and the mass grave after the exhumation. Also, these cases allow us to analyze dominant narratives around violence against women, their possible political involvement, as well as the ways to conceive and represent them implemented by civil society and institutions in those processes.

[EN] Based on the case study of the process of exhumation, reburial and territorial demarcation of two mass graves of women killed by Francoism in Candeleda (Ávila) and Grazalema (Cádiz), this article accounts for the processes and tensions around mass graves as sites of memory. Different forms of interpreting the ritualization of significative moments during the recovery of bodies of the executed by Francoism are discussed, as well as the tensions around dominant sites of memory and the mass grave after the exhumation. Also, these cases allow us to analyze dominant narratives around violence against women, their possible political involvement, as well as the ways to conceive and represent them implemented by civil society and institutions in those processes. ; [ES] A partir del estudio de caso de la exhumación, reinhumación y demarcación territorial como lugar de memoria de dos fosas de mujeres represaliadas en la retaguardia sublevada y franquista en Candeleda (Ávila) y Grazalema (Cádiz), el presente artículo da cuenta de los procesos y tensiones que transitan las fosas comunes como lugares de memoria. Se ponen en cuestión aquí diferentes formas de interpretar la ritualización de los momentos significativos de recuperación de los cuerpos de los ejecutados/as por el franquismo, y de las tensiones en torno a lugares de memoria dominantes y la fosa común después de la exhumación. Estos casos nos permitirán analizar también las narrativas dominantes en torno a la(s) violencia(s) contra las mujeres, su posible compromiso político, así como las formas de concebirlas y representarlas que se ponen en marcha tanto desde la sociedad civil como desde las instituciones en estos procesos

This article examines online violence disguised as humor on Turkish digital media plat- forms. Online conversations from Sour Dictionary , a pioneer dictionary platform, reveal how class, politics and gender inequalities intersect to reproduce power relations in digital media against non paid domestic workers (housewives) being visible in Facebook . Drawing from the theoretical framework of intersectionality, the study shows that women are exposed to violence not just through the category of gender, while at th e same time, the criticism and the violence interchange dynamically through the instrument of humor.

"Using case studies from the Middle East, South Asia, Southeast Asia, and the Pacific Basin, this book examines the global trend of violence against religious places and figures. It also addresses the phenomenon of religion becoming a motive or justification for violence. The contributors find attacks on sacred places to be particularly damaging to peace and harmony in many Asian and Pacific societies because of the centrality of religion there. A diverse range of topics are covered, including an empirical exploration of the global trends of violence against sacred spaces; attacks against and policies toward holy sites in Israel and Palestine; the fate of Indian Islamic monuments after India gained independence in 1947; the Christian community's response to the increasing Islamization of Malaysia, and the future of communalism in Malaysia. Africa and Australia are also referenced in the work. The book's penultimate chapter argues that understanding the special role of sacred sites represents a crucial dimension to fully understanding Australia's history and culture. The book ends by recounting the experiences of JUST International, an organization campaigning for the protection of sacred spaces and religious institutions. Taken together, this volume explores the importance of protecting sacred spaces, holy symbols, and religious people as a crucial element in fostering peace in the world, and especially the Asia-Pacific region. The contributors argue that much violence in the world is rooted in politics of religious identity. Acting in the name of religion, violent perpetrators frequently target religious institutions and symbols, which usually generates further deadly conflicts"--Provided by publisher

Where there is conflict between groups, members argue with each other over the correct course of action. While some advocate increased violence or separation between the groups, others argue for peace, tolerance, or interdependence. Advocates of violence or separation engage in discursive strategies to discredit these ingroup opponents, in which they claim to represent the true interests and spirit of the group while their opponents are dismissed are selfish, disloyal, subservient, weak, or ignorant. Methods of discrediting opponents act as a form of social pressure, defining a set of social norms, punishing dissenters, and warning others against publicly adopting opposing positions. This chapter examines the discursive practices used to discredit opponents in a range of current and historical conflict situations. A distinction will be drawn between 'mild' and 'strong' discrediting practices.

Mexico's public safety strategies have had serious flaws that may explain their limited success and that have led to an increase in violence and insecurity. The flaws in the Calderón administration resided in building a strategy with certain characteristics. It was based on the war against drug trafficking and not on building an integral plan for public safety. It had serious interinstitutional coordination problems. It was based on police action rather than on a plan where the politicians engaged in dialogue with the proponents of security policies. It was built from the top down, from the federal to the city level, where communities had little or no participation and where there was no coordination between city and state efforts and those at the federal level. It integrated the military into the public safety realm without taking into account the effects and consequences. It was unable to articulate efficiently efforts with foreign powers. Instead of noting ways to fight insecurity, this article concentrates on the conditions needed to create safety systems. We have created a model that considers 11 variables that lead to a propensity for violence and insecurity. Based on these variables, we arrive at some important conclusions for reformulating the national strategy for public safety.