Suchergebnisse

Voor een behoorlijk aantal journalisten geldt dat zij de voorbije jaren en op verschillende manieren zijn geconfronteerd met gewelddadig of agressief gedrag jegens hun beroepsgroep. Dat is problematisch, want in een democratische rechtsstaat is vrije nieuwsgaring van cruciaal belang en dienen journalisten hun werk in vrijheid en in veiligheid te kunnen doen. Dat dreigt in het geding te komen als journalisten om zich heen een toegenomen dreiging van geweld tegen de journalistiek ervaren. Om die reden krijgt geweld tegen journalisten al langere tijd nationale en internationale aandacht van diverse organisaties. In de Tweede Kamer is door toenmalig minister van Justitie en Veiligheid Grapperhaus een onderzoek toegezegd naar de mate waarin de "positie van journalisten [...] kwetsbaarder is geworden." Het onderhavige onderzoek betreft dit toegezegde onderzoek, uitgevoerd in opdracht van het WODC. Onderzocht zijn drie hoofdvragen. Wat is de aard en omvang van ervaren en waargenomen geweld tegen journalisten in Nederland en in hoeverre is dit over de afgelopen 10 jaar veranderd? Welke daders en slachtoffers kunnen er ten aanzien van de verschillende vormen van geweld tegen journalisten worden onderscheiden? En welke beleidsinterventies zouden effectief kunnen zijn in het terugdringen van of het optreden tegen geweld tegen journalisten en in hoeverre kan het zinvol zijn om in dit kader het taakstrafverbod uit te breiden? In dit onderzoek zijn verschillende onderzoeksmethoden gecombineerd, om een adequaat beeld te kunnen schetsen van de aard en omvang van het probleem. Het rapport wordt afgesloten met de bespreking van mogelijke beleidsinterventies en een vijftal concrete aanbevelingen

The need for a normative (ie, ethical) theory of political action is discussed. After evaluating the idea that politicians & rulers have the right to use violence, lies, & ruses to combat violence & ruse within the community, some important conclusions are drawn from the general democratic principle "no power without control & possibility of sanction by those being subject to that power." Applied to the problem of corruption, this principle can be used as a guideline for a systematic exploration of the structural sources of corruption, defined in a general way as abuse of power (detournement de pouvoir). The main thesis -- that the sources of corruption are found in "deficiencies of the system" that create opportunities for a particular pressure of power to exert an overwhelming influence (without possibilities of control & sanction) in the processes of defining the "public interest" or the "common good" -- is elaborated by an analysis of such "deficiencies" in the Belgian political-administrative system (most of which are not peculiar to the Belgian situation). Suggestions for preventing corruption (mainly through legislation) are offered. Modified HA.

[Dutch] Click here for the free download of the English or French translation. Since 11 September 2001 - and especially since the murder of Theo van Gogh - Muslims and Islam have frequently been unfavourably portrayed at the heart of public debate. Manifestations of Islamophobia can be found on the Internet, in comments by the PVV, and in acts of violence committed against mosques. Dutch anti-discrimination policies are coming under pressure now that this ideology has forced its way to the centre of the political stage. How do negative connotations about Muslims come about? Where are the acts

In this essay I discuss Buikema's ideas about the specific function of literature in times of social upheaval and political violence. Buikema resists the current tendency to reduce engaged novels to their political views and statements about the world. To their author's intentions, basically. A literary analysis has to do justice to the ways in which political themes are represented, which largely escape authorial control. Close (inter)textual analysis can arrive at different experiences of a work of art. Buikema illustrated this conviction with an analysis of Coetzee's Disgrace. I continue her analysis and read Disgrace for its stunning literary representation of hegemonic masculinity and how a white macho man is transformed and healed. Women and blacks guide him in this process.

"Artemisia Gentileschi (1593-after 1654) is one of the most important representatives of the Italian Baroque. So well-known that only her first name was sufficient, and it still is: Artemisia. But Artemisia was not only a painter. She was a painter woman: an artist's daughter, a mother. She was headstrong and determined to be successful in a male-dominated world, when opportunities and possibilities were very limited. For Artemisia, her talent was the key. With her work she earned an income, gained prestige and a measure of freedom, a place in the world.Artemisia's oeuvre and life offer starting points for a larger story about early modern Europe and about women in history.This book shows Artemisia's beautiful portraits, interspersed with dramatic, theatrical compositions. Performances that are utterly baroque, sensual, sometimes bordering on scandal, a mixture of violence and seduction." Exhibition: Rijksmuseum Twenthe, Enschede, The Netherlands (28.09.2021 - 23.01.2022)

The author introduces the article by describing why the term Jihad-terrorism shouldn't be used (it's not an ideology, but a method; the term hammers on an intrinsic link between Islam and violence). The Belgian international attitude stresses that a wrong perception within European policy will actually lead to an anti-Western radicalization, and that terminology is part of that. The article continues with four EU anti-terror strategies: proactive: prevention and protection; reactive: prosecution and response. Regarding suppression of radicalization and recruitment, three factors are mentioned: facilitating factors within a globalized world (travel and communication, money operations, internet availability); an anti-western enemy perception; structural environmental factors, the so-called root causes (social circumstances, democratic imperfection, modernization badly directed, economic and political perspectives, unsolved conflicts, lack of education). Two additional principles for Belgium: 1) fundamental rights and freedoms; 2) suppression of Jihad-terrorism in cooperation with Muslim countries. References. O. van Zijl

Following some general observations on the growing secularization of Western societies & after producing statistical data documenting the percentages of Muslim populations in Belgium & the Netherlands, three major issues are addressed from a Belgian perspective: (1) Islam bashing in the context of the recognition of freedom of religions & worldviews in a modern democratic society, (2) policies & attitudes toward visible religious symbols worn in public places; the banning of the hijab (the headscarf worn by Muslim females) in Antwerp public schools, & (3) the degree of separation between state & religion in Belgium. It is argued that the Islamic religion should not be associated with violence, terrorism, or oppression of women; Islam should be integrated on equal rights with other religions into the Belgian society, while emancipative & liberal movements within it should be actively supported. The banning of head scarves for Muslim teachers & students in Flanders is assessed from the broader perspective of similar policies, either implemented or planned, in France, Germany, & other European countries. Articles from the Belgian constitution are quoted to illustrate that the separation between state & religion in this country is incomplete; although the government adopts a neutral stance toward all worldviews, the state recognizes six official religions whose practice is partially supported with tax-payer's money & their clergy receive state pension; the favoring of the Catholic Church in this arrangement is pointed out. It is concluded on a general note that despite the secularization of the society, religious issues figure prominently in the public sphere. Z. Dubiel