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A widespread failure to recognize the social and political-economic causes of climate-related crises is an erasure of history that hides potential solutions and absolves guilty parties of responsibility. This blocking out of causality is perpetuating slow and silent violence against present and future generations. These erasures are illustrated by two short cases: the causes of famine and dislocation in the Sahel, and the causes of farmers' suicides in India. The essay highlights the need to recognize histories of exploitation, and introduces the "Exploiter Pays Principle," in order to deliver justice in climate policymaking.

The role played by Islamism, or political Islam, in the contemporary world holds the key to understanding current geopolitical tensions both within the Muslim world and between the West and the Muslim world. This article centres on four books that explore some violent and non-violent manifestations of political Islam and offer analyses of the Islamic State, al-Qa'eda, the Muslim Brotherhood and, more generally, Salafi-jihadism. Political Islam considers Islam to be a totalising entity that should shape the contours of society, culture, politics and the law – that is, it ideally seeks to achieve unity of state and religion ( din wa-dawla). It expresses itself in multiple, and at times interlinked, ways that can encompass, among many others, a largely non-violent gradualist approach to power (Muslim Brotherhood), global terrorist action (al-Qa'eda) and sectarian warfare combined with territorial control and state-building (Islamic State). The aim of this article is to capture some of the multifarious ways in which political Islam manifests itself with the aid of the four books under review. Holbrook D (2014) The Al-Qaeda Doctrine: The Framing and Evolution of the Leadership's Public Discourse. New York: Bloomsbury. Pantucci R (2015) 'We Love Death as You Love Life': Britain's Suburban Terrorists. London: Hurst. Vidino L (2010) The New Muslim Brotherhood in the West. New York: Columbia University Press. Weiss M and Hassan H (2015) ISIS: Inside the Army of Terror. New York: Regan Arts.

'Ending Violent Conflict' by Michael Renner is reviewed.

Intro -- COUNTERING VIOLENT EXTREMISM TRAINING EFFORTS AND GUIDANCE -- COUNTERING VIOLENT EXTREMISM TRAINING EFFORTS AND GUIDANCE -- CONTENTS -- PREFACE -- Chapter 1 COUNTERING VIOLENT EXTREMISM: ADDITIONAL ACTIONS COULD STRENGTHEN TRAINING EFFORTS∗ -- ABBREVIATIONS -- WHY GAO DID THIS STUDY -- WHAT GAO RECOMMENDS -- WHAT GAO FOUND -- BACKGROUND -- DHS HAS IDENTIFIED CVE-RELATED TRAINING TOPICS BUT DOJ HAS NOT, MAKING IT DIFFICULT FOR DOJ TO DEMONSTRATE HOW IT IS MEETING ITS CVE RESPONSIBILITIES -- DHS Has Identified Principal CVE-Related Training Topics and Made Efforts to Communicate Them -- DHS Is Undertaking Additional Communication to Help Ensure Grantees Fund CVE-Related Training That Is Consistent with the Goals of the CVE National Strategy -- DOJ Has Not Identified CVE-Related Training Topics, Which Could Preclude DOJ from Demonstrating How It Is Implementing the CVE National Strategy -- FEW PARTICIPANTS RAISED CONCERNS ABOUT DHS AND DOJ CVE-RELATED TRAINING, BUT THE FBI AND USAOS COULD HELP ENSURE QUALITY OF TRAINING BY MORE CONSISTENTLY SOLICITING FEEDBACK -- State and Local Participants' Perspectives on CVE-Related Training Were Mostly Positive or Neutral -- More Consistently Soliciting Feedback on Informal CVE-Related Training Could Provide Information to Help Ensure Its Quality -- Some Individuals and Advocacy Organizations Have Raised Some Concerns about CVERelated Training -- DOJ Has Undertaken Reviews and DHS and DOJ Have Developed Guidance to Improve Training Quality -- DOJ Components Have Undertaken Reviews of CVE-Related Training -- DHS and DOJ Have Developed Guidance Intended to Avoid Future Incidences of Biased or Otherwise Inappropriate Training -- CONCLUSION -- RECOMMENDATIONS FOR EXECUTIVE ACTION -- AGENCY COMMENTS AND OUR EVALUATION -- APPENDIX I: SCOPE AND METHODOLOGY -- Identifying CVE-Related Training

Can International Relations (IR) be studied without reproducing its violence? This is the central question of this article. To investigate this, the first step is to expose the violence that we argue remains at the heart of our discipline. The article thus begins by exploring the disciplinary practices firmly grounded in relations of coloniality that plague disciplines more broadly and IR in particular. An analysis of IR's epistemic violence is followed by an autoethnographic exploration of IR's violent practices, specifically the violent practices in which one of the article's authors knowingly and unknowingly engaged in as part of an impact-related trip to the international compound of Mogadishu International Airport in Somalia. Here the article lays bare how increasing demands on IR scholars to become 'international experts' having impact on the policy world is pushing them more and more into spaces governed by colonial violence they are unable to escape. The final section of this article puts forward a tentative path toward a less violent IR that advocates almost insignificant acts of subversion in our disciplinary approach and practices aimed at exposing and challenging this epistemic and structural violence. The article concludes that IR does not need to be abandoned, but rather, by taking on a position of discomfort, needs to acknowledge its violence and attempt to mitigate it – one almost insignificant step at a time.

A review essay on a book by Hugh Miall, Oliver Ramsbotham, & Tom Woodhouse, Contemporary Conflict Resolution (Cambridge, MA: Polity, 1999). This is a positive assessment of what the author perceives to be a comprehensive & at times inspirational review of conflict resolution. A loose listing of its constructive aspects, including its extensive research & examples, is given. There is discussion of the book's citation of various methods & agencies involved in international conflict resolution. Milburn covers the book's exploration of significant figures in development of peaceful solutions. Also cited is the author's identification of modes for analyzing various violent & Cold War-related threats. There is discussion of the book's comparison of light & deep methods for prevention of international violence. The more complex role of would-be conflict resolvers in areas such as Kosovo & Albania is noted along with the actions needed for sustenance of peace. 13 References. M. C. Leary

Libya is unlike other states in North Africa mainly because of the distinctive arrangement of different socio-economic and political features it combines. This arrangement came into sharper focus in the wake of the recent collapse of its 40-year-old authoritarian regime. What had begun as a series of peaceful protests against the regime's administrative misconducts became a full-scale confrontation between, increasingly frustrated crowds of protesters and ever-more violent regime forces and their supporters. It cannot be denied that the mobilization of Libyan dissidents was inspired by the preceding popular uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt. Just days after the collapse of the Mubarak regime, multiple street protests erupted across Libya. Even if one accepts the argument that the Libyan revolt was inspired by events outside the country, however, this does not explain why this popular uprising took such a significantly different path to those of its neighbors. This paper contextualizes the collapse of the Libyan regime by exploring the country's various features and analyzing the mobilization process of different groups of anti-regime activists. The paper further presents a critical understanding of the progression of the mobilization process, the fall of the Qaddafi establishment and the immediate results of the regime change, all of which are considerably different from what has taken place elsewhere in the region. ; The research project 'Mobilizing for Democracy: Democratization Processes and the Mobilization of Civil Society' is funded by European Research Council (ERC) Advanced Grant. (Grant Agreeement no: 269136.)

Criminal org's & activities tend to reflect soc conditions. One major diff between past & present gangs is the prevalence of the psychopathic element in the latter. Friendship & camaraderie which were central to the gang during depression are entirely absent today. Today's gang is characterized by flux. It is a mob-like collectivity which forms around violence in a spontaneous fashion, moving into action - often on the spur of an evening's boredom. Most members of the gang use violence to acquire prestige. Its structure can be analyzed into 3 diff levels. The leaders are the most psychol'ally disturbed of all the members. They need the gang more than anyone else to maintain their reputation. At the second level, there are youths who claim affiliation to the gang but only participate in it sporadically. It might be a vehicle for acting out aggressions related to another area of his life. At the third level are boys who occasionally join in with gang activity but seldom identify themselves as members of the gang. Since they come from depressed soc & econ backgrounds, objects & goals that adults take for granted are for them clearly unattainable, as a consequence they step beyond the accepted soc boundaries in an attempt to find through deviant means a dramatic short-cut to an immediate feeling of success. Recent wars & current internat'l machinations serve as models for gang warfare. The violent gang provides an alternative world for the disturbed young who are ill-equipped for success in a society which blocks their upward mobility. V. D. Sanua.