Suchergebnisse

The Treaty of Karlowitz signed in 1699 concluded the rule of the Ottoman Empire in most parts of Central and Eastern Europe. Liberation of Osijek in 1687, and consequently of whole Slavonia in 1699 brought a new era of freedom and prosperity to its citizens. At least for a short time, since the Habsburg Monarchy re-established their rule over the country by bringing feudal laws and regulations back into force. Austrian empress and Hungarian-Croatian Queen Maria Theresa united Slavonia with Croatia, and re-established the counties of Virovitica, Požega and Syrmia, meaning that the regional administration of Slavonia was completely relinquished to the civil authorities.

U ovom radu autor na temelju dostupne literature, arhivske građe i onodobnog tiska analizira političku scenu u Virovitici i virovitičkom kotaru uoči Prvoga svjetskog rata, s posebnim naglaskom na analizi društvene i organizacijske strukture, te ideoloških specifičnosti virovitičkih pristaša Čiste stranke prava (Starčevićeve hrvatske stranke prava/Stranke prava), jedne od pravaških stranaka, koja je u ovom razdoblju bila među najutjecajnijim političkim strankama na tom području. Koristeći u ovom radu između ostaloga i prozopografsku metodu, prema kojoj se zaključci o nekoj skupini izvode iz životopisa njezinih članova, autor je zaključio, da je Čista stranka prava u Virovitici prve korake napravila uz pomoć virovitičkih mađarona, no da je znatniji broj pristaša dobila postupnim osipanjem pristaša Hrvatske stranke prava. ; In this paper by means of using available literature, archive sources and printed materials of that time, the author analyses political scene in Virovitica and district of Virovitica on the eve of the First World War, with special emphasis on analysis of social and organisational structure and ideological specificities of the inhabitants of Virovitica who were supporters of the Pure Party of Rights (Starčević's Croatian Party of Rights / Party of Rights), one of the parties of right, which in this period belonged among the most influential political parties in that area. In this paper the author used, among other means, also the prosopographical method, by which the conclusions about a specific group can also be derived from biographies of its members, which led him to believe that the Pure Party of Rights made its first steps inVirovitica with the assistance of pro-Hungarians from Virovitica, but gained a more significant number of supporters by gradual dropping out of the supporters of the Croatian Party of Rights.

Neprofitne organizacije poput Hrvatskog Crvenog križa usmjerene su rješavanju problema, ostvarivanju ciljeva organizacije i unaprjeđenju kvalitete života. Njihov cilj nije ostvarivanje vlastitog profita ili dobiti. Najčešći izvori financiranja su sredstva iz državnog proračuna, putem članarina i donacija. Neprofitne organizacije obvezne su prezentirati svoje financijske izvještaje te u financijskim izvještajima iskazivati svoje prihode i rashode, izvore vlasništva, imovinu i obveze. Cilj ovog rada je na temelju analize financijskih izvještaja te izračuna izabranih financijskih pokazatelja dobiti pregled poslovanja neprofitne organizacije Gradskog društva Crvenog križa Virovitica. Horizontalna i vertikalna analiza financijskih izvještaja omogućit će dobivanje informacija koje su relevantne za upravljanje, a izračunavanjem financijskih pokazatelja za promatrane godine dodatno će se definirati financijski okvir poslovanja. Na kraju su doneseni zaključci vezani za poslovanje neprofitne organizacije Gradskog društva Crvenog križa Virovitica. Iako nisu profitno orijentirane, neprofitne organizacije su važan pokretač promicanja javnog interesa, odnosno općeg dobra, bitan su čimbenik za društvo, iako je njihova uloga ponekad marginalizirana. ; Non-profit organizations like the Croatian Red Cross focus on achieving their own goals, solving problems and improving people's quality of life. It is not their goal to make a profit. They are financed from the state budget, through membership fees and donations. Non-profit organizations are required to disclose their assets, liabilities and sources of ownership, as well as their income and expenses. The aim of this paper is to gain insight into the operations of the City Society of the Red Cross Virovitica based on the analysis of financial statements and the calculation of selected financial indicators. Horizontal and vertical analysis of financial statements will enable obtaining information that is relevant for management, and the calculation of financial indicators for the observed years will further define the financial framework of operations. In the end, conclusions will be made regarding the business of the City Society of the Red Cross Virovitica. Non-profit organizations, despite not being profit-oriented, are a significant driver of promoting the public interest or the common good, as well as an important factor in society, even if their role is sometimes marginalized.

The article approaches the iconography of two etchings with Croatian subject matter made by the Bolognese etcher Giuseppe Maria Mitelli in 1684. In the focus is the etching Great Bravery of Croatian soldier (Gran prodezza di soldato croatto). The author concludes, interpreting the explanatory text below the etching, that it depicts an event of the so-called Great Turkish War (1683-1699). The depicted hero belonged to the Croatian Regiment commanded by general James Leslie, and the depicted heroic act occurred, in all probability, during the battle of Virovitica in 1684. Also, the author points out to a model for Mitelli's etching as well as to the literary image of the simultaneous decapitation of both a horseman and a horse in the Croatian literature. In the same year, Mitelli also made the portrait of the Zagreb bishop and the politician Martin Borković. The existence of both etchings is associated with the Illyrian-Hungarian College in Bologna, governed by the Zagreb cathedral Chapter.L'articolo indaga l'iconografia di due incisioni con soggetto croato realizzate dall'incisore bolognese Giuseppe Maria Mitelli nel 1684. Il focus del saggio è l'incisione Gran prodezza di soldato croatto. Interpretando il testo esplicativo sotto l'acquaforte, l'autore ritiene che essa raffiguri un evento della cosiddetta Grande Guerra Turca (1683-1699). L'eroe raffigurato apparteneva al reggimento croato comandato dal generale James Leslie e l'atto eroico raffigurato avvenne, con ogni probabilità, durante la battaglia di Virovitica nel 1684. L'autore individua inoltre un modello per l'incisione di Mitelli e un riferimento a una fonte nella letteratura croata ove compare la decapitazione simultanea di un cavaliere e di un cavallo. Nello stesso anno Mitelli fece anche il ritratto del vescovo di Zagabria e del politico Martin Borković. L'esistenza di entrambe le acqueforti è associata al Collegio illirico-ungarico di Bologna, governato dal Capitolo della cattedrale di Zagabria.

Novosadski kantautor Đorđe Balašević jedan je od istaknutih pjevača i pjesnika na području jugoistočne Europe. Osim izričaja s karakterističnim metaforama, usporedbama i personifikacijama, Balašević je značajan kao društveni aktivist. U ovom kontekstu bitne su njegove pjesme o prošlosti i sadašnjosti (tadašnjosti). Autori izdvajaju četiri skupine: pjesme o Prvom svjetskom ratu (Ratnik paorskog srca, Galicija, Aco braco, O kako tužnih ljubavi ima, Noć kad sam preplivao Dunav), o Josipu Brozu Titu (Tri put sam video Tita, Requiem), zatim o socijalističkoj Jugoslaviji (1987., Računajte na nas, O Bože, Virovitica, Mani me se lepa Nasto, Soliter), te o raspadu Jugoslavije i Miloševićevoj Srbiji (Legenda o Gedi Gluperdi, Samo da rata ne bude, Da ti je BMW, Devedesete, Krivi smo mi, Gusle, Ja nisam luzer, Morao sam da se odselim, Nevernik, Plava balada, Regruteska, Sevdalinka, Živeti slobodno, Kako su zli dedaci razbucali proslavu). Đorđe Balašević je stvarao pjesme projicirajući u prošlost i tadašnjost svoje antiratne ideje, internacionalizam protiv tada dominantnih nacionalizama, zaokupljenost malim čovjekom koji se ne snalazi u složenim i prijelomnim razdobljima. ; Songwriter Đorđe Balašević from Novi Sad is one of the notable singers and poets of the Southeast Europe. Balašević is well known for his characteristic metaphors, comparisons and personifications as well as his social activism. In this context his songs about the past and the present (or rather the present that was actual at the time of the writing – then-present) are being reviewed. Authors distinguish four groups: songs about World War I (Warrior with Peasant Heart, Galicia, Aco My Bro, Oh So Many Sad Loves, The Night When I Swam across the Danube), songs about Josip Broz Tito (I Saw Tito Three Times, Requiem), songs about Socialist Yugoslavia (1987, Count on Us, Oh God, Virovitica, Let Me Be, Pretty Nasta, The Skyscraper), and songs about the breakup of Yugoslavia and Milošević's Serbia (A Legend of Geda the Stupid, Just Let There Be No War, If Only You Had a BMW, The Nineties, It's Our Fault, Fiddle, I'm Not a Loser, I Had to Move Out, The Unbeliever, Blue Ballad, Recruiters' Song, Sevdalinka, Live Free, How the Evil Idiots Demolished the Celebration). Đorđe Balašević wrote songs projecting into the past and then-present his anti-war ideas, internationalism against then dominant nationalism, preoccupation of a small man who isn't privy to the complicated and crucial times.

Slavonia and Baranja or Eastern Croatia is a physical-geo?graphical part of
the Pannonian Basin and it is divided administratively into 5 counties:
Virovitica-Podravina, Pozega-Slavonia, Slavonski Brod-Posavina,
Osijek-Baranja and Vukovar-Sirmium (which make nearly 20% of the state).
Regarding functional organization, Slavonia and Baranja is a part of Osijek
nodal region but with interrelated influences of other regional centres like
Slavonski Brod, Vinkovci, Vukovar, Djakovo and Pozega. Analysis of this region
consisting of 22 cities and 104 municipalities with 805,998 people (according
to Census 2011) will be conducted according to several economic-geographic
indicators: foreign trade exchange, number of employed people per 100
inhabitants, number of unemployed people per 100 inhabitants, economic
structure of population as well as the share of people employed in
agriculture and industry as the most important sectors in the regional
economy. Demographic problems will also be analysed, because the population
is one of the most important factors of economic and social development. The
main problems of the analysed region are depopulation, aging and rural exodus
as well as the fact that every city or municipality, except one, had the
decline of population comparing to previous Census of 2001. These processes
are accompanied by spatial population polarization which has also resulted in
economic decline.

Bei dem Wort Kroatien denken die meisten Menschen sofort an glasklares blaues Wasser, traumhafte Buchten, lange Sommernächte und eine mediterrane Gastronomie. Zurecht, denn das Land hat sich mittlerweile zu einem der beliebtesten Urlaubsorte entwickelt. Doch was ist, wenn der Blick fernab der touristischen Zentren auf das Hinterland geworfen wird. Die ursprünglichen Eindrücke geraten schnell in Vergessenheit und es zeigt sich ein anderes völlig neues Bild. Ein Bild von Armut, entleerten Dörfern und Häusern, an denen die Einschusslöcher immer noch an den letzten Krieg erinnern. Es ist ein Bild benachteiligter Regionen und genau diesen strukturschwachen peripheren Räumen Kroatiens widmet sich diese Arbeit.Die räumlichen Disparitäten Kroatiens werden gründlich auf die Ursachen und Folgen ihrer Entstehung untersucht, wobei ein wesentlicher Fokus auf die Charakterisierung der Strukturschwächen gelegt wird. Die Analyse bezieht sich auf die Ebene der regionalen Selbstverwaltungseinheiten Kroatiens, welche als Gespanschaften bezeichnet werden. Es handelt sich dabei um Regionen, die in erster Linie durch eine schlechte Verkehrsgeographische Lage, mangelnde Bildungseinrichtungen, eine kleine Zahl an Beschäftigungsmöglichkeiten und durch weitere sozioökonomische und demographische Faktoren geprägt werden. Im Rahmen der Analyse wurden mit Sisak-Moslavina und Virovitica-Podravina zwei repräsentative Gespanschaften gewählt, um anschließend an ihrem Beispiel die Forschungsergebnisse zu verdeutlichen.Die Ursachen der räumlichen Disparitäten sowie der Strukturschwäche Kroatiens können auf das 20. Jahrhundert zurückgeführt werden und finden ihren Ursprung in der Integration Kroatiens in unterschiedlichen Staatssystemen. Die kontinuierliche Unabhängigkeit des kleinen Staates hinderte in vielerlei Hinsicht dessen Entwicklung, Krisen hemmen auch die kleinsten Bestrebungen eines Fortschrittes und sorgten dafür, dass der Ruf nach Unabhängigkeit immer größer wurde. 1991 erscheint die unabhängige Republik Kroatien auf der Landkarte, doch bald darauf erlebt das Land den dritten Krieg in 100 Jahren. Die Zeit danach ist dem Wiederaufbau und dem Transformationsprozess gewidmet, wodurch die frühe Schaffung einer qualitativen Regionalpolitik versäumt wurde. Im Rahmen der EU-Beitrittsverhandlungen begann der Staat allmählich die richtige Richtung einzuschlagen und wurde dann von der weltweiten Finanzkrise 2008 getroffen und hat bis heute mit den Auswirkungen zu kämpfen.Der EU-Beitritt brachte zwar erwünschte Fördermittel, führte aber auch dazu, dass zahlreiche Kroatinnen und Kroaten aus wirtschaftlichen Gründen in reichere europäische Länder auswanderten und durch die Migration den bestehenden negativen Trend der natürlichen Bewegung verstärkten. Folge dieser Entwicklungen ist eine starke Überalterung der Bevölkerung, die zunehmend zu einer Belastung für das sozial- und Pensionssystem wird.Neben einer statistischen Analyse der räumlichen Disparitäten mittels ausgewählter sozioökonomischer und demographischer Faktoren bietet diese Arbeit auch eine ausführliche physio- sowie humangeographische Einführung über Kroatien und resultiert in einem abschließenden Versuch einer eigenen Klassifikation der Peripherräume. ; When it comes to Croatia, most people immediately think of crystal blue water, dreamy bays, long summer nights and the mediterranean gastronomy. Rightly so, because the country has developed into one of the most popular vacation spots. But what if the gaze is cast far away from the tourist centers. The original impressions are quickly forgotten and another, completely new picture emerges. It is an image of poverty, empty villages and houses where the bullet holes still remind of the last war. It is a picture of disadvantaged regions and it is precisely these structurally weak peripheral areas of Croatia that this work is dedicated to. The spatial disparities in Croatia are thoroughly examined for the causes and consequences of their emergence, with an essential focus being placed on the characterization of structural weaknesses. The analysis refers to the level of the regional self-government units of Croatia, which are referred to as županije (counties). These are regions that are primarily characterized by a poor infrastructure, a lack of educational facilities, a small number of employment opportunities and other socio-economic and demographic factors. As part of the analysis, two representative counties, Sisak-Moslavina and Virovitica-Podravina, were selected in order to use their example to illustrate the results of the research. The causes of the spatial disparities and the structural weakness of Croatia can be traced back to the 20th century and have their origin in the integration of Croatia into different state systems. The continuous dependence of the small state hindered its development in many respects, crises hamper even the smallest efforts to make progress and ensured that the call for independence grew ever greater. In 1991 the independent Republic of Croatia appears on the map, but soon afterwards the country experiences the third war in 100 years. The time after that is dedicated to the reconstruction and the transformation process, whereby the early creation of a qualitative regional policy was neglected. As part of the European Union the state gradually began to take the right direction and was then hit by the global financial crisis in 2008 and has been struggling with the effects to this day. The EU-Membershib did bring in the desired funding, but it also led to numerous Croatians emigrating to richer European countries for economic reasons and intensifying the existing negative trend of natural movement through migration. The consequence of these developments is a severe aging of the population, which is increasingly becoming a burden on the social and pension system. In addition to a statistical analysis of the spatial disparities by means of selected socio-economic and demographic factors, this work also offers a detailed physio- and human-geographic introduction to Croatia and results in a final attempt to classify the peripheral areas. ; Arbeit an der Bibliothek noch nicht eingelangt - Daten nicht geprüft ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung des Verfassers/der Verfasserin ; Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, Diplomarbeit, 2021 ; (VLID)6424566

Zdenac (Izdenc, today Zdenci) was in the Middle Ages a specific territorial unit which had initially been an integral part of the Somogy County, afterwards (from the second half of the 13th century) it was part of the Garić County. The big road leading to Virovitica traversed this area and as a travel route it dated back to antiquity when it had been one of the most important routes connecting the Posavina and Podravina main road. In the Middle Ages the most significant settlements alongside this road were Donji Zdenac, where in the 13th-14th century the square, the castrum and the parish church were registered, and Gornji Zdenac, where in the 13th-14th century the parish church and later the castrum were mentioned. Alongside the same road, more westward, there was the Parish Church of St. Stephen the King attached to the adjacent settlement Crna Rijeka, which was situated in the area of Ilovski Klokočevac. On basis of a military map from the 18th century, the text recommends the precise location of two more churches mentioned in the sources of Zdenci from the 14th century – the Church of King St. Stephen (south of Grubišno Polje) and the Church of St. Nicholas (between Mala Barna and Mala Peratovica). Because of the toponym Sesvete, it is also suggested that All Saints' Church be located here; it was mentioned in the 16th century, to the left side of the Ilova River, between Veliki Zdenci and Končanica. ; Zdenac je u srednjem vijeku činio određenu teritorijalnu cjelinu koja se prvo nalazila u sklopu velikog Šomođskog komitata, a zatim (od druge polovice 13. stoljeća) u sklopu Komitata Garić. Ovim područjem prolazila je velika cesta prema Virovitici, koja kao prometni pravac kontinuira iz razdoblja antike kada je bila jedan od značajnih pravaca što su povezivali posavsku i podravsku magistralu. Uz tu su cestu u srednjem vijeku nastala kao značajnija naselja Donji Zdenac, gdje se u 13-14. stoljeću spominju trg, kastrum i župna crkva, te Gornji Zdenac – gdje se u 13-14. st. spominje župna crkva, a kasnije i ...

Kroz prikaz povijesti plemićke obitelji Adamović Čepinski tekst pridonosi poznavanju kulturne, gospodarske i političke povijesti prostora današnje Hrvatske, ali i Slovenije, Srbije, Austrije te Bosne i Hercegovine. Adamovići su početkom 18. stoljeća upravljali Valpovačkim vlastelinstvom, a potom u Slavoniji i Podunavlju posjedovali imanja Čepin, Tenje, Aljmaš, Erdut, Bačko Novo Selo. S vremenom se obitelj podijelila na čepinsku i tenjsku granu. U tekstu se donose manje poznati podatci iz povijesti tenjske grane obitelji Adamović, koja je od sredine 19. stoljeća posjedovala imanje sa sjedištem u Velenju (Slovenija), a obiteljskim vezama bila u bliskim odnosima s brojnim plemićkim obiteljima Austro-Ugarske Monarhije. Uz sintezu dosadašnjih publiciranih istraživanja, rad se temelji na informacijama i arhivskom gradivu nasljednika ove obitelji koji su i danas povezani s Hrvatskom. ; The noble family of Adamović Čepinski was from the 18th century in possession of the Čepin, Tenje, Aljmaš and Erdut estates in Slavonia and Podunavlje as well as of some estates in Bačka; over the course of time, it split into the Čepin and Tenje factions. This text provides less known and yet unexplored data on the history of the Tenje family faction which from the 19th century owned an estate that had its seat in Velenje (Slovenia). They left significant traces in economic, cultural and political life and constituted a connection between present-day eastern Croatia and Slovenia at the time when these areas belonged to the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, i.e. to the same constitutional and cultural circle. Although they sold the Tenje estate in the late 19th century, they remained connected to the estates in Erdut, Bačko Novo Selo and Ostrožac; after they sold Velenje, they continued to live there up until World War II. They strengthened their social position additionally through marital ties between notable families the relations of which reached to the Viennese Court, the Russian Imperial Court and the Court of Victorian England. A significant family bond was created with the politician and landlord Ervin Cseh de Szent-Katolna, the grand prefect of the Syrmia County. His stepson Ivan Albrecht Baron Adamović of Čepin was also prefect of the Syrmia and subsequently the Virovitica County. After World War II the family was deprived of all its estates in then Yugoslavia; however, after decades in exile the heirs were able to reclaim their estates in Croatia in part.

Pogranično područje Hrvatske s Mađarskom u širem smislu obuhvaća dijelove četiri županije: Međimurske, Koprivničko-križevačke, Virovitičko-podravske i Osječko-baranjske. Konkretnije, u ovom se radu pogranično područje odnosi na gradove i općine unutar naprijed navedenih županija koje svojim teritorijem izlaze na državnu granicu. Riječ je o 26 jedinica lokalne samouprave, od kojih su tri grada i 23 općine sa ukupno 144 naselja. U tradicionalnom se smislu za europska pogranična područja najčešće vežu pojmovi poput prometne izoliranosti i perifernosti. U današnje vrijeme, međutim, u sklopu Europske Unije dolazi do njihove značajne društvene i ekonomske transformacije. To se posebno odnosi na schengenski prostor gdje granice više ne razdvajaju, nego spajaju susjedne države. Hrvatska je nova članica Europske Unije i kao takva još nije integrirana u schengenski prostor gdje je putovanje moguće bez granične kontrole. Stoga još uvijek nije došlo do transformacije hrvatskoga pograničnoga područja prema susjednim državama koje su članice EU, a to svojega odjeka ima u prošlim i aktualnim demografskim trendovima i procesima. Hrvatska granica s Mađarskom je najranije definirana hrvatska kopnena granica koja je uspostavljena još u srednjemu vijeku i vezana je u svojem najdužem dijelu uz tok rijeke Drave. Sve ostale kopnene granice Republike Hrvatske definirane su kasnije, s time da su tek nakon osamostaljenja Hrvatske postale državne (međunarodne) granice. Za vrijeme bivše Jugoslavije jedino je hrvatska kopnena granica s Mađarskom bila međunarodna. Ta je činjenica uvjetovala manju prekograničnu suradnju i povezanost nego što je to bio slučaj s ostalim granicama koje do prije tridesetak godina nisu bile međunarodne. Demografskom je analizom utvrđen depopulacijski i emigracijski karakter demografskih dinamičkih promjena u referentnom vremenskom razdoblju od popisa stanovništva 1981. do 2018. godine. Riječ je o kontinuiranim i prostorno izrazito homogenim negativnim demografskim trendovima (prirodni pad i negativna migracijska bilanca) koji značajno destabiliziraju koncept demografske održivosti kao uvjeta sveukupne društvene i ekonomske stabilizacije i revitalizacije pograničnoga područja što, dakako, ima i svoju sigurnosnu dimenziju. ; The border area of Croatia with Hungary in a broader sense includes parts of four counties: Međimurje, Koprivnica-Križevci, Virovitica-Podravina and Osijek-Baranja. More specifically, in this paper, the border area refers to cities and municipalities within the aforementioned counties that cross the state border with their territory. These comprise 26 local self-government units, of which three are cities and 23 municipalities with a total of 144 settlements. In the traditional sense, European border areas are most often associated with terms such as traffic isolation and peripherality. Nowadays, however, their social and economic transformation is taking place within the European Union. This is especially true in the Schengen area, where borders no longer separate, but connect neighboring countries. Croatia is a new member of the European Union and as such has not yet been integrated into the Schengen area where travel is possible without border controls. Therefore, the transformation of the Croatian border area towards the neighboring countries that are members of the EU has not yet taken place, and this has its echo in past and current demographic trends and processes. The Croatian border with Hungary is the earliest defined Croatian land border, which was established in the Middle Ages and is connected in its longest part along the Drava River. All other land borders of the Republic of Croatia were defined later, with the provison that only after the independence of Croatia did they become state (international) borders. During the former Yugoslavia, only the Croatian land border with Hungary was international. This fact led to less cross-border cooperation and connectivity than was the case with other borders that were not international until thirty years ago. Demographic analysis determined the depopulation and emigration character of demographic dynamic changes in the reference time period from the 1981 to 2018 census. These are continuous and spatially homogeneous negative demographic trends (natural decline and negative migration balance) that significantly destabilize the concept of demographic sustainability as a condition of overall social and economic stabilization and revitalization of the border area, which, of course, has its security dimension.

In the period from 1990-19995 the members of the Serb Democratic Party of Slavonia on the territory of the Republic of Croatia had stimulated Serbian people to implement civil disobedience towards the legally elected authorities of the Republic of Croatia; to show national intolerance against Croats and other non-Serb persons. In co-operation with the YNA, they provided arms supply and organized armed rebellion of the Serbian people. The main goal was to disconnect the state territory of the Republic of Croatia, where the RSK was stretching, and to integrate the same into the integral concept of the common state of the Serb people, into Greater Serbia. There is an indisputable fact that the domicile Serb extremists and terrorists, "Šešelj's men", "Arkan's men", the "White Eagles", the YNA and other armed rebels and war criminals had committed a criminal offence against humanity, international humanitarian law and criminal offence against the Republic of Croatia, according to the then applicable legislation: the Criminal Code of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, according to the Criminal Code of the Socialist Republic of Croatia, according to the General Criminal Code of the Republic of Croatia. In the course of war the actors of armed rebellion did not respect the provisions of the international humanitarian law, in particular the provisions and the protocols of the Geneva Conventions. In addition, their aggression continued to be contrary to the positive legislation of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and of the Socialist Republic of Croatia and it went on even after the international recognition of the Republic of Croatia. In addition to the war criminals who have been extradited to the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia in the Hague, Netherlands, a significant number of perpetrators of various war crime offences in the Republic of Croatia have been tried and sentence in absentia. The largest number of war crime perpetrators is located on the territory of the Republic of Serbia and the Republic Srpska in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and a certain number of them has fled to the countries of the European Union as well as to the overseas countries (the USA, Canada, New Zealand and Australia). The war criminals from Slatina area escaped mostly to the Republic of Serbia, where they all where they all acquired citizenship, and a smaller number of them fled to the Republic Srpska or to third countries. A very small number of these war criminals has been accused of the crimes committed and there is very little chance that they will be extradited to the judiciary of the Republic of Croatia and legally convicted. This perception is the reality that has been lived by the victims to the Greater-Serbian violence and by the families of the dead Croatian soldiers and of dead persons of other nationalities in this area every day. ; Bivša Općina Podravska Slatina prostirala se na 781 km², a sastojala se od šezdeset i devet naselja. Njezinim nizinskim dijelom prolaze dvije značajne komunikacije, podravska željeznička magistrala i podravska cestovna magistrala, koje su bile od vitalnoga značaja tijekom trajanja Domovinskoga rata, naročito za vrijeme agresorske blokade autoceste Zagreb – Beograd kod Okučana. Područje nekadašnje Općine Podravska Slatina zemljopisno se dijeli na dva dijela: brdski dio, tzv. Brđansku, i nizinski dio, tzv. Podravinu. U Brđanskoj pretežito su živjeli pripadnici srpskoga puka, a u Podravini dominantno su bili zastupljeni Hrvati. U bivšoj Općini Podravska Slatina, prema popisu pučanstva iz 1991. godine, živjelo je 15 445 pučana, od toga broja 9 219 (59,6%) bili su Hrvati, 4 948 (32%) Srbi i 1 278 (8,3%) ostali. Srbi su bili dominantni u Brđanskoj, gdje je živjelo 3 262 pripadnika srpske nacionalnosti, 668 Hrvata i 222 ostala građanina (Hrženjak, 1993: 363-375). Ovaj je zemljopisni lokalitet predstavljao rubno područje tzv. Velike Srbije. Naime, on graniči s virovitičkim područjem, gdje su srpski ekstremisti i separatisti zacrtali granicu na pravcu Virovitica – Karlovac – Karlobag.

U radu autor analizira djelovanje Samostalne demokratske stranke (SDS) u Slavoniji i Srijemu 1924.-1929. Čitatelj se upućuje na okolnosti nastanka stranke, ustroj stranačke infrastrukture, etničku i socijalnu strukturu, tisak te rezultate na parlamentarnim, oblasnim i lokalnim izborima. SDS je, usprkos isticanju unitarističke dogme o jedinstvenom jugoslavenskom narodu, počivao na podršci srpskih birača i nalazio se u stalnom nadmetanju s radikalima za poziciju najjače srpske stranke slavonsko-srijemskog prostora. ; In this paper the author analyses the activities of the Independent Democratic Party (SDS) in Slavonia and Syrmia from 1924 to 1929. The reader will be familiarised with the circumstances of the development of the party, the organization of the party's infrastructure, the ethnic and social structure, the press and the results of parliamentary, regional and local elections. Although the Independent Democratic Party advocated the unitary dogma of a single Yugoslav nation, it was drew on the support of Serbian voters and constantly competed with the Radicals for the position of the most powerful Serbian party in the Slavonian-Syrmian territory. The Independent Democratic Party in Slavonia and Syrmia managed during the last four and a half years of the parliamentary regime of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes to make itself into a significant political factor. In the territories of the Virovitica and Požega County it was in a constant struggle with the Radicals for the position of the second most important political power, while in the territory of the Syrmian County it lagged behind the Radicals. However, it did not succeed in approaching Radić's Party which during that period succeeded in keeping the position of dominant political party. With respect to the Democratic Party that it had emerged from, the conclusion can be drawn that it attracted the majority of the members and adherents of the former united Democrats. The Independent Democratic Party in Slavonia and Syrmia drew heavily on the support of the Serbian electorate. On the one hand, this implies that the party had not entirely succeeded in affirming its unitary Yugoslav political platform, since it was evident that it was rejected by the Croats, the majority population. The struggle for the sympathy of the Serbian voters naturally led to fierce political confrontations with the Radicals, which were only temporarily calmed by the coalitions of the two parties at the level of the state as a whole. At the same time the Independent Democratic Party above all proved to be the political representative of the Serbian peasantry of the Slavonian-Syrmian area which implied confrontations with the Radicals and also with the ever-greatger influence of farmers. Various forms of para-political organization on which the unique Democratic Party had been successfully working before the party split (Peasant Councils, Voluntary Association and the Organization of Yugoslav Nationalists) considerably supplemented and thereby strengthened the power of the Independent Democratic Party after spring 1924. While monarchism and the Serbian electoral base considerably facilitated a short-term coalition with the Radicals in 1925 (National Block), the Independent Democratic Party and the Croatian Peasant Party (Peasant Democratic Coalition) shared lesser connecting features. The party leadership and certain sincere supporters of a coalition with Radić's Party (the leader of the Party in Osijek, Milan Stijić or the Pakrac Orthodox priest Danilo Podunavac) endeavoured to ease the ideological and programme differences by emphasizing the mutual menace to both the Croats and Serbs of the transriparian Serb areas. However, other Slavonian-Syrmian party leaders (Svetislav Popović and Milenko Marković) considered an alliance with the Croatian Peasant Party to be a great violation of the dogma of the national unity of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes or a threat to the centralistic state. Hence, it would be no exaggeration to state that Alexander's undemocratic act (probably) pre-empted a schism within the Independent Democratic Party.