Suchergebnisse

Evaluation of the current government by voting is a key element in the mechanism of political responsibility. Consequently, democratic governance is normatively attractive because elections are an effective tool for enhancing public welfare. In recent years, there has been a renaissance in the field of voter explanation, largely driven by unexpected election outcomes. Over the past five years, scholars have learned a lot about how voters actually make decisions and what their behavior implies for democratic accountability and public welfare. However, these advances in knowledge have also generated more open questions than answers. Retrospective voting is a concept in American political science, the essence of which boils down to the fact that society can evaluate the past political activities of the government. Voters view government performance on criteria such as economic efficiency, criminal justice systems, social stability, environmental and health outcomes within the election deadline (2-4 years), and then, through voting in elections, citizens formulate more successful governments. The models are based on the fact that the coalition in power does influence the results by which it is judged. Political results are adequate indicators of the credibility and effectiveness of the choice of officials. The stand-alone idea is that civil powers have the right to selectively punish and reward politicians based on performance indicators.If voter decisions do not provide adequate incentives for elected officials or distort these incentives altogether, democracy can lead to ineffective policies. Like the classic problems of collective action, individually rational voter behavior can sometimes lead to bad results for society, because the essence of the state is that all citizens pay for the mistakes of the top leadership. Thus, modern American scientists believe that retrospective voting does not automatically provide the correct messages, especially if the authorities interpret them erroneously. In Ukraine, this topic has almost never been covered. The purpose of this article is to provide a systematic assessment of the theory of retrospective voting, as the leading theory of modern electoral democracies. The purpose of the article was achieved using the method of systems analysis. ; В последние годы в области объяснения поведения избирателей произошел ренессанс, в значительной степени обусловленный неожиданными исходами выборов. За минувшие пять лет ученые многое узнали о том, как избиратели на самом деле принимают решения и что их поведение подразумевает для демократической ответственности и общественного благосостояния. Тем не менее, эти достижения в области знаний также породили больше открытых вопросов, чем ответов. Ретроспективное голосование – это концепция в американской политической науке, суть которой сводиться к тому, что общество может оценивает прошлую политическую деятельность правительства. Избиратели рассматривают деятельность правительства по таким критериям как эффективность экономики, системы уголовного правосудия, социальной стабильности, экологические и медицинские результаты в сроки, установленные выборами (2-4 года), а потом через голосование на выборах граждане формулируют более успешные правительства.В Украине данная тема практически никогда не была освещена. Цель этой статьи дать системную оценку теории ретроспективного голосования, как ведущей теории современных электоральных демократий. Цель статьи была достигнута с помощью метода системного анализа. ; В останні роки в області пояснення поведінки виборців стався ренесанс, в значній мірі обумовлений несподіваними наслідками виборів. За минулі п'ять років вчені багато дізналися про те, як виборці насправді приймають рішення і що їх поведінка має на увазі для демократичної відповідальності і суспільного добробуту. Проте, ці досягнення в галузі знань також породили більше відкритих питань, ніж відповідей. Ретроспективне голосування - це концепція в американській політичній науці, суть якої зводиться до того, що суспільство може оцінювати минулу політичну діяльність уряду. Виборці розглядають діяльність уряду за такими критеріями як ефективність економіки, системи кримінального правосуддя, соціальної стабільності, екологічні та медичні результати в терміни, встановлені виборами (2-4 роки), а потім через голосування на виборах громадяни формулюють більш успішні уряди. В Україні дана тема практично ніколи не була освітлена. Мета цієї статті дати системну оцінку теорії ретроспективного голосування, як провідної теорії сучасних електоральних демократій. Мета статті була досягнута за допомогою методу системного аналізу.

Стаття присвячена аналізу правових режимів, що запроваджені Виборчим кодексом України та визначатимуть місцеві вибори 2020 року. У процесі дослідження проблем виборчого права обґрунтовано, що ефективне функціонування системи формування представницьких органів виконавчої влади сприяє виконанню всіх функцій всіх відповідних представницьких органів влади та місцевого самоврядування та забезпечення реалізації всіх прав та свобод людини як індивіда та суспільства в цілому. Науковцями доведено значиму роль виборчого процесу та відповідних правових режимів, що визначають стадії та процедури проведення місцевих виборів. Дослідження відповідних правових режимів набуває ще більшого значення та актуальності під час проведення адміністративно-територіальної реформи та створення об'єднаних територіальних громад. Отже, метою дослідження буде, зокрема: з'ясування стану виборчого законодавства, що регулює виборчий процес, виокремлення в його структурі відповідні правові режими та дати їм відповідну правову оцінку. Автором систематизовано та викладено різні правові режими, що розкривають відповідні стадії та процедури виборчого процесу, визначають статус суб'єктів виборчого процесу та особливу роль в цьому процесі виборчих комісій різного рівня. Відмічено, що складність цієї проблеми полягає у відсутності належної практики застосування положень виборчого кодексу. Відповідно, подрібнення його структури на окремі правові режими дозволить провести належний аналіз самостійних правових режимів, що розкриваються на різних стадіях виборчого процесу та визначити рівень проблемності застосування тих чи інших положень виборчого законодавства. Автор намагається розкрити критерії ефективності виборчого законодавства та запропонувати класифікацію комплексу показників, які у свою чергу дозволяють здійснити аналіз проблем застосування відповідних норм. ; The article is devoted to the analysis of the legal regimes introduced by the Electoral Code of Ukraine and which will determine the local elections in 2020. In the process of studying the problems of suffrage it is substantiated that the effective functioning of the system of formation of representative executive bodies contributes to the performance of all functions of all relevant representative bodies and local self-government and ensuring the realization of all human rights and freedoms as an individual and society as a whole. Scholars have proven the important role of the electoral process and the relevant legal regimes that determine the stages and procedures of local elections. The study of the relevant legal regimes becomes even more important and relevant during the administrative-territorial reform and the creation of united territorial communities. Thus, the purpose of the study will be, in particular: to clarify the state of electoral legislation governing the electoral process, to identify the relevant legal regimes in its structure and to give them an appropriate legal assessment. The author systematizes and sets out various legal regimes that reveal the relevant stages and procedures of the election process, determine the status of the subjects of the election process and the special role of election commissions of different levels in this process. It is noted that the complexity of this problem is the lack of good practice in applying the provisions of the Electoral Code. Accordingly, the fragmentation of its structure into separate legal regimes will allow for a proper analysis of independent legal regimes that are revealed at different stages of the election process and determine the level of difficulty in applying certain provisions of election law. The author tries to reveal the criteria for the effectiveness of electoral legislation and propose a classification of a set of indicators, which in turn allow for an analysis of the problems of application of the relevant norms.

One of the most important indicators of democratization and openness of a country is holding of free and democratic election. Conducting honest and open elections has an important meaning for creating a positive image of Ukraine on the international scene, as well as evidence that the country fulfills its obligations to protect human rights and freedoms. One of the means of controlling elections is participation of official observers and community. To a large extent from their conclusions about legitimacy of elections or, conversely, violation of the electoral law depends on the international community's recognition of legitimacy of the newly elected authorities. Organization of election observation by public organizations is one of the most significant dimensions of democratic development around the world. Non-party election observation and control by NGOs are also aimed at ensuring the integrity of election through deterrence and disclosure of violations and falsifications, prevention and mitigation of electoral violence and provision of recommendations for improvement of electoral processes. There are two main criteria for classification of public observers – by country of origin (internal and external (international)) and time (long-term and short-term). Internal official observers are representatives of candidates for deputies, political parties (blocs) or non-governmental organizations. International observers are observers representing foreign states and international non-governmental organizations. Long-term observers, as a rule, are involved in monitoring electoral process at all (or most) stages, and short-term observers, as a rule, focus on monitoring activities on an election day, that is, they are primarily interested in voting and counting procedures. The right of official observers from non- governmental organizations, from foreign states and international organizations to officially monitor the course of the election process is determined in the Law of Ukraine "On Elections of People's Deputies of Ukraine". In particular, Article 78 of the Law states that the permission to have official observers during election of deputies has only a public organization whose statutory activities include election process and its monitoring and which is registered in accordance with the procedure established by law, not later than sixty days before a voting day. Analyzing the quantitative characteristics, activities and reports of official observers from international organizations and public organizations on monitoring the progress of the parliamentary elections in Ukraine in 2002-2014, we observe the growth of their participation in elections which promotes democracy, openness of elections and recognition of legitimacy of their results. It is worth noting that the reports of official observers noted that despite some violations of the electoral law, the elections of people's deputies of Ukraine in 2002-2014 were conducted in accordance with the national electoral law, international obligations and standards of democratic elections. The reports witnessed democratic, transparent and legitimate Ukrainian elections, ensuring basic civil rights and freedoms. Among the series of recommendations it was proposed to codify the electoral legislation of Ukraine. Recommendations provided to the election process participants following election observation campaigns in Ukraine, their consideration by state institutions in the preparation of election legislation and holding of further elections will contribute to the improvement of the electoral process. ; One of the most important indicators of democratization and openness of a country is holding of free and democratic election. Conducting honest and open elections has an important meaning for creating a positive image of Ukraine on the international scene, as well as evidence that the country fulfills its obligations to protect human rights and freedoms. One of the means of controlling elections is participation of official observers and community. To a large extent from their conclusions about legitimacy of elections or, conversely, violation of the electoral law depends on the international community's recognition of legitimacy of the newly elected authorities.Organization of election observation by public organizations is one of the most significant dimensions of democratic development around the world. Non-party election observation and control by NGOs are also aimed at ensuring the integrity of election through deterrence and disclosure of violations and falsifications, prevention and mitigation of electoral violence and provision of recommendations for improvement of electoral processes.There are two main criteria for classification of public observers – by country of origin (internal and external (international)) and time (long-term and short-term). Internal official observers are representatives of candidates for deputies, political parties (blocs) or non-governmental organizations. International observers are observers representing foreign states and international non-governmental organizations.Long-term observers, as a rule, are involved in monitoring electoral process at all (or most) stages, and short-term observers, as a rule, focus on monitoring activities on an election day, that is, they are primarily interested in voting and counting procedures.The right of official observers from non- governmental organizations, from foreign states and international organizations to officially monitor the course of the election process is determined in the Law of Ukraine "On Elections of People's Deputies of Ukraine". In particular, Article 78 of the Law states that the permission to have official observers during election of deputies has only a public organization whose statutory activities include election process and its monitoring and which is registered in accordance with the procedure established by law, not later than sixty days before a voting day.Analyzing the quantitative characteristics, activities and reports of official observers from international organizations and public organizations on monitoring the progress of the parliamentary elections in Ukraine in 2002-2014, we observe the growth of their participation in elections which promotes democracy, openness of elections and recognition of legitimacy of their results. It is worth noting that the reports of official observers noted that despite some violations of the electoral law, the elections of people's deputies of Ukraine in 2002-2014 were conducted in accordance with the national electoral law, international obligations and standards of democratic elections. The reports witnessed democratic, transparent and legitimate Ukrainian elections, ensuring basic civil rights and freedoms. Among the series of recommendations it was proposed to codify the electoral legislation of Ukraine. Recommendations provided to the election process participants following election observation campaigns in Ukraine, their consideration by state institutions in the preparation of election legislation and holding of further elections will contribute to the improvement of the electoral process.

The tradition of right/left separation of political forces in the methodological context is considered. The analysis of the basic principles that are crucial in assigning certain political parties to the right or left political spectrum is carried out. In particular, in the field of economics, the «right» is to identify those political forces that uphold the principles of private property, its priorities for collective ownership. «Left» political forces, on the contrary, support the idea of collectivization, nationalization, socialization, and so on. For the «right» political forces, priority is given to the principles of individualism, whereas for the «left» – collectivism. The distinction between «left» and «right» in Ukrainian society is rather weak. A large proportion of respondents in Ukraine do not have an idea of the differences between the right-wing parties or the left-wing parties, which indicates, first of all, the low level of their political awareness. Accordingly, when voting in parliamentary (or local) elections, Ukrainian voters choose a certain party not for its ideological features, but for other criteria. Often, Ukrainian voters are guided by a personalistic criterion, focusing on those who head the political party. Also important role – in the absence of understanding ideological priorities – acquires a value criterion (mainly at the level of the archetype «own»/«alien»). It was stated that party confrontations in Ukraine during electoral campaigns often turn into conflicts of values – but not ideological – priorities. That is, the attraction to values and principles, and not to ideological doctrines, is the main feature of most political parties of modern Ukraine.Key words: «right», «left», political parties, political ideologies, values, Ukrainian society, methodological context. ; Розглянуто традицію право/лівого розрізнення політичних сил у методологічному контексті. Здійснено аналіз базових принципів, які є визначальними у віднесенні певних політичних партій до правого чи лівого політичного спектру. Розмежування на «лівих» і «правих» в українському суспільстві доволі слабке. Значна частина респондентів в Україні не мають уявлення про відмінності між правими чи лівими партіями, що свідчить про низький рівень політичної інформованості. Партійні протистояння в Україні під час електоральних кампаній найчастіше перетворюються на протистояння ціннісних – але не ідеологічних – пріоритетів. Ключові слова: «праві», «ліві», політичні партії, політичні ідеології, цінності, українське суспільство, методологічний контекст. Рассмотрена традиция право/левого различения политических сил в методологическом контексте. Осуществлен анализ базовых принципов, являющихся определяющими в отнесении определенных политических партий к правому или левому политическому спектру. Разграничение на «левых» и «правых» в украинском обществе довольно слабое. Значительная часть респондентов в Украине не имеют представления о различиях между правыми или левыми партиями, что свидетельствует о низком уровне политической информированности. Партийные противостояния в Украине во время электоральных кампаний зачастую превращаются в противостояние ценностных – но не идеологических – приоритетов. Ключевые слова: «правые», «левые», политические партии, политические идеологии, ценности, украинское общество, методологический контекст. The tradition of right/left separation of political forces in the methodological context is considered. The analysis of the basic principles that are crucial in assigning certain political parties to the right or left political spectrum is carried out. In particular, in the field of economics, the «right» is to identify those political forces that uphold the principles of private property, its priorities for collective ownership. «Left» political forces, on the contrary, support the idea of collectivization, nationalization, socialization, and so on. For the «right» political forces, priority is given to the principles of individualism, whereas for the «left» – collectivism. The distinction between «left» and «right» in Ukrainian society is rather weak. A large proportion of respondents in Ukraine do not have an idea of the differences between the right- wing parties or the left-wing parties, which indicates, first of all, the low level of their political awareness. Accordingly, when voting in parliamentary (or local) elections, Ukrainian voters choose a certain party not for its ideological features, but for other criteria. Often, Ukrainian voters are guided by a personalistic criterion, focusing on those who head the political party. Also important role – in the absence of understanding ideological priorities – acquires a value criterion (mainly at the level of the archetype «own»/«alien»). It was stated that party confrontations in Ukraine during electoral campaigns often turn into conflicts of values – but not ideological – priorities. That is, the attraction to values and principles, and not to ideological doctrines, is the main feature of most political parties of modern Ukraine.Key words: «right», «left», political parties, political ideologies, values, Ukrainian society, methodological context.