Suchergebnisse

L'autore esamina l'impatto dell'emergenza sanitaria causata dalla pandemia da SARS-Cov-2 sul funzionamento del Congresso degli Stati Uniti. Dopo aver ricostruito il dibattito dottrinale innescato da alcune iniziali proposte di modifica dei regolamenti delle due Camere volte a introdurre sistemi di voto da remoto, il saggio focalizza la propria attenzione sul sistema voto per delega adottato dalla Camera dei Rappresentanti al fine di assicurare la continuità dei suoi lavori minimizzando al contempo i rischi per la salute dei suoi membri e del suo personale. In particolare, esso intende evidenziare come il tentativo dei repubblicani di politicizzare tale sistema intentando una causa per contestarne la costituzionalità si sia finora scontrato con la tendenza delle Corti federali a mostrarsi deferenti nei confronti dell'autonomia regolamentare delle Camere. ; The author examines the impact of the public health emergency due to SARS-Cov-2 pandemic on the functioning of the United States Congress. After analysing the debate on early proposals to amend both Houses' rules to establish remote voting systems, the essay focuses on the proxy voting system adopted by the House of Representatives in order to ensure its continued operation while protecting the health of members and staff. Notably, it highlights how the Republican attempt to heavily politicise this system by filing a lawsuit that questions its constitutionality has so far collided with federal Courts' tendency to defer to the authority of each Chamber to determine the rules of its own proceedings.

The paper analyses the issue of scheduling parliamentary activities in times of pandemic. Especially, it considers the first timid interventions and the related problems, which allowed limited participation in the Standing Committees through videoconference connections and then, on the occasion of the elections of the President of the Republic in January 2022, the decision to provide for the physical presence of more than a thousand voters. In conclusion, it underlines the importance, also because of the law 1/2020 on the reduction of the number of parliamentarians, of maintenance of the procedures to combine the practicability of the virtual presence with the full guarantee of parliamentary prerogatives governed by the Constitution. ; Lo studio approfondisce il tema della programmazione dell'attività parlamentare in tempi di pandemia. In particolare, si considerano i primi timidi interventi e le problematiche ad essi connessi, con i quali sono state consentite nelle Commissioni permanenti limitate ipotesi di partecipazione tramite collegamenti in videoconferenza e, successivamente, in occasione delle elezioni del Presidente della Repubblica nel gennaio 2022, la decisione di disporre la modalità in presenza fisica di oltre mille elettori. In chiusura si sottolinea l'importanza, anche in ragione della l. cost. 1/2020 sulla riduzione del numero dei parlamentari, di manutenzioni dei procedimenti per coniugare la praticabilità della presenza virtuale con la piena garanzia delle prerogative parlamentari disciplinate dalla Costituzione.

L'oggetto della nostra ricerca è l'opinione pubblica e il comportamento dell'elettore in una prospettiva comparata. L'obiettivo della ricerca è stato analizzare la relevanza degli approcci psicologici per una migliore comprensiore della partecipazione politica, delle opinioni e delle scelte elettorali degli studenti Italiani e Bielorussi. Nella parte teorica, noi discutiamo i modelli dell'approccio cognitivo al comportamento di voto. Discutiamo inoltre il concetto dello stile cognitivo e le sue cinque categorie: stile sintetico, idealistico, pragmatico, analitico o realistico, come descritti da A.Harrison and R.M. Branson e adattati da A. Alexeev and L. Gromova. Nonostante il fatto che la ricerca tratta il caso degli studenti, noi crediamo che i risultati siano pertinenti per un'ulteriore ricerca dell'auditorio più vasto e variegato. ; The object of our research is public opinion and voting behaviour, which we analyze in the comparative prospective. The aim of the research is to consider the relevance of psycho-political approach for a better understanding of political participation, public opinion and electoral choices of Italian and Belarusian students. In the theoreticasl part of this work, we deal with the main models of the cognitive approachto the study of political behavior. We also discuss the concept of cognitive styles, and their measurement by the questionnaire of A. Harrison and R. Branson, as modified by A. Alexeev and L. Gromova. Despite the fact that the research has dealt with the student audience only, we believe that its findings are extandable to larger audiences.

This thesis is a collection of three essays about the economics of coordination. Coordination issues arise when, in presence of multiple equilibria, heterogeneously informed agents need to coordinate with each other towards a Pareto-superior outcome. Electoral outcomes, collective decision-making, currency attacks or polit- ical regime changes examples of coordination problems. The first chapter provides a game theoretic analysis of group decision making, investigating how an agent's communication behavior is affected by different voting systems. I show that in an ideal state where communication is noisy but agents can communicate without opportunity costs, agents will always reach unanimous consensus regardless of which voting system governs the deliberative process. I further show that under the more realistic case in which communication involves opportunity costs, voting systems shape an agent's communication behavior. Specifically, when the opportunity costs of communication are low, a voting system based on unanimity approximates the results of the ideal state. Conversely, when communication involves high opportunity costs, a voting system based on majority is more desirable. The second essay is an experimental test of the predictions developed in the first chapter. The experiment is designed to determine how different voting institutions in uence the process of communication of collective decision bodies when communication can be costly. In contrast with the existing literature, I have found that different voting institutions induce different decision outcomes. In particular, a voting system based on unanimity fosters subjects' communication and information sharing. Once subjects choose to communicate, I also have observed that communication unambiguously improves the quality of the decision outcome across each voting rule. The third and final essay provides a political regime-change interpretation of the organized crime phe- nomenon. Under the assumption that the a criminal organization in a society benefits of the support of individuals, I investigate the strategic interplay between a criminal organization and a large number of citizens who might be more inclined to support the criminal organization rather than reporting its illegal activities to the legal authority. Borrowing from the economic literature on coordination and regime change, I model a criminal organization as an autocratic regime and claim that illegal activities are used in order to raise citizens support.

Il presente articolo propone una disamina sulla dimensione liberale del voto obbligatorio. Lo scritto prenderà le mosse dal problema dell'astensione, fattore determinante per la scelta di adottare il voto obbligatorio. Si metteranno così in luce alcune possibili ragioni di dissenso nei confronti dell'obbligatorietà del suffragio. Il contrasto all'astensione sembrerebbe infatti sottrarre ai cittadini la possibilità di fare proprie determinate posizioni morali e politiche, restringendo la loro libertà di scelta e di espressione. Scopo dell'articolo è mostrare la piena capacità del voto obbligatorio di esprimere le idee degli elettori e di valorizzare al contempo l'ambizione liberale di una libertà dalle istituzioni e nelle istituzioni.

Scopo della presente tesi di dottorato è indagare l'impatto che l'e-democracy sta producendo sull'evoluzione della rappresentanza e della partecipazione politica e, più in generale, sul funzionamento dei sistemi democratici. L'analisi prende le mosse da una ricostruzione dei principali modelli di democrazia che sono stati sperimentati nel corso del tempo, per poi passare ad esaminare il processo di crisi della democrazia rappresentativa e della partecipazione intermediata. In questo contesto si inserisce, con il suo carico di novità, la rivoluzione digitale. Premessa, quindi, una definizione di riferimento della nozione di e-democracy e delineate analogie e differenze con i concetti di e-voting ed e-government, la ricerca analizza le principali applicazioni di democrazia digitale, con il comune obiettivo di comprendere come esse, da angolature differenti e con diversi gradi di intensità, stiano trasformando il legame tra rappresentanti e rappresentati. Oggetto di esame è, anzitutto, la comunicazione politica online, con particolare riferimento alle tecniche di profilazione degli utenti-elettori e al conseguente rischio di manipolazione del consenso. In un secondo momento, l'attenzione si sposta sull'evoluzione che le nuove tecnologie stanno determinando nell'organizzazione dei partiti politici. Successivamente, si analizza l'impatto che la digitalizzazione può determinare sull'esercizio del diritto di voto e sui poteri di iniziativa relativi agli strumenti c.d. di democrazia diretta. Infine, una riflessione è dedicata al tema, posto improvvisamente dalla pandemia da Covid-19, dell'introduzione, in determinate circostanze, di forme di partecipazione e voto da remoto ai lavori parlamentari e, pertanto, della possibilità ed opportunità di immaginare un "Parlamento telematico". ; This doctoral thesis aims to explore the impact of e-democracy on the evolution of representation, political participation and, more generally, the functioning of democratic systems. After giving an overview of the main models of democracy tested over time, the analysis is carried out considering the current crisis of representative democracies and political intermediation. In this setting, the digital revolution arises. Thereafter, a definition of e-democracy is provided and it is compared with the concepts of e-voting and e-government. Then, the research explores the main applications of e-democracy to assess how the relationship between representatives and citizens is changing. Firstly, online political communication is evaluated, focusing on the targeting of social media users and the consequent threats of political manipulation. Secondly, the transformation of political party organization caused by digital revolution is pointed out. Subsequently, the impact of digitalization on voting procedures and direct democracy tools is assessed. Finally, the study focuses on the issue, raised by the COVID-19 pandemic, of introducing, under certain circumstances, electronic remote participation and voting in parliamentary work, in order to reflect on the legitimacy, as well as the opportunity, of a "virtual Parliament".

Poland and Hungary have played a pivotal role in the post-socialist democratic transformation, even in the field of elections and electoral legislation. The two countries differed from each other. Hungary opted for a mixed electoral system, in which the majoritarian component was dominant. Poland, instead, chose a proportional system. From a general standpoint, the judiciary system of the two countries – and, in particular, their constitutional courts – did not raise any particular objection to the basic guidelines of electoral legislation. The judicial intervention only took place occasionally, and more incisively in Hungary, when a significant departure from proclaimed principles occurred. This was particularly relevant with reference to the voting rights of citizens who live abroad. ; Poland and Hungary have played a pivotal role in the post-socialist democratic transformation, even in the field of elections and electoral legislation. The two countries differed from each other. Hungary opted for a mixed electoral system, in which the majoritarian component was dominant. Poland, instead, chose a proportional system. From a general standpoint, the judiciary system of the two countries – and, in particular, their constitutional courts – did not raise any particular objection to the basic guidelines of electoral legislation. The judicial intervention only took place occasionally, and more incisively in Hungary, when a significant departure from proclaimed principles occurred. This was particularly relevant with reference to the voting rights of citizens who live abroad.

This essay focuses on the functioning of Parliamentary institution during the ongoing health emergency. After analyzing the different measures the Italian Parliament applied to ensure the continuity of parliamentary work without threatening the health of its members, we explore the initiatives put in place by Parliaments of other main European countries involved in the Covid-19 pandemic. In particular, the purpose of this study is to verify the impact different solutions had on the functioning of Parliaments and the exercise of MPs' prerogatives in order to reflect on the legitimacy, as well as the opportunity, of electronic voting procedures, now and in the future.

Winnicott's "Some Thoughts on the Meaning of the Word Democracy" is a problematic, layered work, which analyzes the importance of unconscious emotional factors in the election and removal of leaders. According to Winnicott, a true democracy exists only if a certain number of individuals, thanks to the secrecy of the vote, are capable of producing a psychic field in which the public sphere is brought back to interiority, so as to produce a specific individual responsibility. Voting is considered an intermediate zone of experience, to which both internal and external life contribute. The author shows the relationship that this interpretation of the democratic electoral system has with the concept of transitional area

Available only in Italian ; Il voto elettronico nell'esperienza statunitense rappresenta per noi europei un'occasione di attenta riflessione sull'uso di questa tecnologia posta al cuore della democrazia rappresentativa negli Stati socialmente evoluti

Il presente contributo prende in esame le iniziali scelte del Governo e del Parlamento rispetto alla diffusione dell'epidemia di Covid-19. Il Governo ha deciso infatti di sospendere alcuni diritti e libertà fondamentali attraverso decreti del Presidente del Consiglio dei Ministri, mentre il Parlamento ha deciso di ridurre il numero di sedute, rinunciando a ricorrere al voto elettronico a distanza. ; This article focuses on the choices adopted by the Italian Government and by the Italian Parliament regarding the spread of the Covid-19 epidemic. The Italian Government decided to suspend some fundamental rights through decrees of the President of the Council of Ministers, while Parliament has decided to reduced the number of sessions, renouncing the use of remote electronic voting.

The article analyses the content of three referring orders (from Court of Messina, Torino and Perugia) challenging the new electoral statute approved by Italian Parliament (l. n. 52/2015). The analysis is carried out against the background of the most recent case law of the Italian Constitutional Court. In the judgment n. 1/2014, indeed, the Court tried to shed a light on the notions of "freedom" and "personality" of the voting right in a really innovative way. The Author specially focuses on controversial profiles stemming from the new orders, paying special attention to the "majority bonus" and to the run-off second ballot, as well as to the system of "partially blocked lists".

The article retraces the last 20 years of direct mayoral election in Bologna. It shows how the changes in institutional and electoral settings influenced both the party system and voters' electoral responses. By analysing the electoral history of the city, we also show that personalization raised, electoral competition became more (bi)polarized, electoral turnout gradually decreased, voting results became less and less predictable attenuating Bologna past exceptionalism. This article fills a gap in a literature that has not yet offered a longitudinal study of electoral changes in Bologna since the 1990s. More precisely, the article gives an analysis of both the political supply and the electoral flows to understand how party system has changed and if and how voters have become more mobile.

Available in Italian ; I procedimenti elettorali, elementi fondanti la democrazia rappresentativa e perci? essenziali per la nostra convivenza civile, da un punto di vista informatico altro non sono che procedure d'ufficio atte a garantire propriet? assai importanti fra cui la trasparenza dello spoglio. Come tali, possono essere studiati con gli usuali metodi dell'informatica, al fine di analizzare quanto soddisfino determinate propriet? ritenute significative, e fornendo anche misure quantitative delle propriet? oggetto di interesse. In questo articolo, presentiamo un modello informatico per simulare quelle procedure d'ufficio dette procedimenti elettorali, caratterizziamo quantitativamente la propriet? numero di funzionari da corrompere come significativa per determinare la possibilit? di frode di un procedimento elettorale, mostriamo come calcolare detta propriet? in generale e nel caso concreto delle elezioni politiche italiane del 2006. La metrica proposta pu? essere utilmente impiegata per confrontare la robustezza alle frodi elettorali di procedimenti elettorali sia cartacei che elettronici.

In this article we take into consideration the difficult path of the Left in the attempt to overcome the ancient paradigm of identity, intrinsically linked to classical communism. We will retrace the electoral history and the consensus for Left and Centre-Left parties from the Post-war period to the present. We will analyse the transition from "membership voting" to the current situation of intense electoral volatility. An empirical analysis of the answers provided by the Delegates of the Democratic Party from 2007 to 2019 shows how the heirs of the Communist Party have undergone a constant process of fragmentation, both within the camp and within the parties themselves. The work closes with an attempt to understand (and predict) what the future of the difficult path of the Left within the epochal changes of Western society might be.