Suchergebnisse

The purpose of this research is to find out trust elements in e-voting systems and possible ways of implementation of them in IS. The objects of research are theoretical Lithuanian e-voting system's concept and Geneva's e-Voting, Estonian I-Voting systems. The main tasks were performed in order to solve this research problem: theoretical trust in e-government models were analysed, the research of trust elements in Lithuanian e-voting system's concept and Geneva's e-Voting, Estonian I-Voting systems were done, complex trust model in e-voting were described and finally the experiment was done. Methods used in research – analysis of scientifical literature, the complex trust in e-voting model is created in order to find out it's validity, experiment consisting of questionaire is made. The results and conclusions of research – after analysis of trust models in e-government we concluded that these factors can be divided into two groups - pre-interactional factors: individual citizen, institutional attributes, technology and interactional factors: product/service attributes, transactional delivery and fulfilment of services and information content attributes. After analysis of Lithuanian e-voting system's concept and Geneva's e-Voting, Estonian I-Voting systems trust elements were defined. The experiment – a questionaire gave results that the most important factors while creating e-voting systems in order to stimulate citizens trust are citizens confidenciality, trust in governemnt, system's visibility – confirmation of vote have been registered, system's accuracy – safe authentification and wide selection of help services. Pages in total: 68, sum of tables: 9, sum of pictures: 46.

The purpose of this research is to find out trust elements in e-voting systems and possible ways of implementation of them in IS. The objects of research are theoretical Lithuanian e-voting system's concept and Geneva's e-Voting, Estonian I-Voting systems. The main tasks were performed in order to solve this research problem: theoretical trust in e-government models were analysed, the research of trust elements in Lithuanian e-voting system's concept and Geneva's e-Voting, Estonian I-Voting systems were done, complex trust model in e-voting were described and finally the experiment was done. Methods used in research – analysis of scientifical literature, the complex trust in e-voting model is created in order to find out it's validity, experiment consisting of questionaire is made. The results and conclusions of research – after analysis of trust models in e-government we concluded that these factors can be divided into two groups - pre-interactional factors: individual citizen, institutional attributes, technology and interactional factors: product/service attributes, transactional delivery and fulfilment of services and information content attributes. After analysis of Lithuanian e-voting system's concept and Geneva's e-Voting, Estonian I-Voting systems trust elements were defined. The experiment – a questionaire gave results that the most important factors while creating e-voting systems in order to stimulate citizens trust are citizens confidenciality, trust in governemnt, system's visibility – confirmation of vote have been registered, system's accuracy – safe authentification and wide selection of help services. Pages in total: 68, sum of tables: 9, sum of pictures: 46.

The purpose of this research is to find out trust elements in e-voting systems and possible ways of implementation of them in IS. The objects of research are theoretical Lithuanian e-voting system's concept and Geneva's e-Voting, Estonian I-Voting systems. The main tasks were performed in order to solve this research problem: theoretical trust in e-government models were analysed, the research of trust elements in Lithuanian e-voting system's concept and Geneva's e-Voting, Estonian I-Voting systems were done, complex trust model in e-voting were described and finally the experiment was done. Methods used in research – analysis of scientifical literature, the complex trust in e-voting model is created in order to find out it's validity, experiment consisting of questionaire is made. The results and conclusions of research – after analysis of trust models in e-government we concluded that these factors can be divided into two groups - pre-interactional factors: individual citizen, institutional attributes, technology and interactional factors: product/service attributes, transactional delivery and fulfilment of services and information content attributes. After analysis of Lithuanian e-voting system's concept and Geneva's e-Voting, Estonian I-Voting systems trust elements were defined. The experiment – a questionaire gave results that the most important factors while creating e-voting systems in order to stimulate citizens trust are citizens confidenciality, trust in governemnt, system's visibility – confirmation of vote have been registered, system's accuracy – safe authentification and wide selection of help services. Pages in total: 68, sum of tables: 9, sum of pictures: 46.

Around all over the world, at this moment, there is one main problem, while government organizations are organizing general elections or referendums. Problem is that citizens are very apathetic and their participation in elections and referendums are very low. Elections and referendums which are based on traditional election system, using paper ballots, are uncomfortable for a lot of citizens, which have election right, because it's not very comfortable or possible to reach voting poll's on an election day. In this case the participation of citizens is very low, because it's not always possible to visit polling stations when the distance to it is quiet big or citizen have no time to vote. This problem is very urgent in Lithuania to. One of the easiest ways to increase participation of citizens in country political processes is creation of electronical voting systems which can be used to cast citizen vote remotely or not. Because of opinion that e-voting systems will be more convenient for the voters and this will increase voters turnout on elections and referendums, governments of some countries are trying to create and begin to use those systems on their countries general elections and referendums. This paper work is representing the standards and main aspects of creation of the e-voting systems and main threats to electronical voting systems. It discusses about system attack methods and people which are interested in e-voting systems compromising. Also it analyzes the practice of using e-voting systems for elections and referendums in some world countries. One of the paper work aims was to analyze Lithuanian e-voting system conception and try to offer the e-voting system, which can be used in Lithuanian elections and referendums, model. The main aim of this work was to make a research which can help to understand, what Lithuanian society thinks about e-voting system creation and future plans to use it in Lithuanian elections and referendums and will it be possible, that e-voting system use in Lithuania will increase citizens participation in elections and referendums.

Around all over the world, at this moment, there is one main problem, while government organizations are organizing general elections or referendums. Problem is that citizens are very apathetic and their participation in elections and referendums are very low. Elections and referendums which are based on traditional election system, using paper ballots, are uncomfortable for a lot of citizens, which have election right, because it's not very comfortable or possible to reach voting poll's on an election day. In this case the participation of citizens is very low, because it's not always possible to visit polling stations when the distance to it is quiet big or citizen have no time to vote. This problem is very urgent in Lithuania to. One of the easiest ways to increase participation of citizens in country political processes is creation of electronical voting systems which can be used to cast citizen vote remotely or not. Because of opinion that e-voting systems will be more convenient for the voters and this will increase voters turnout on elections and referendums, governments of some countries are trying to create and begin to use those systems on their countries general elections and referendums. This paper work is representing the standards and main aspects of creation of the e-voting systems and main threats to electronical voting systems. It discusses about system attack methods and people which are interested in e-voting systems compromising. Also it analyzes the practice of using e-voting systems for elections and referendums in some world countries. One of the paper work aims was to analyze Lithuanian e-voting system conception and try to offer the e-voting system, which can be used in Lithuanian elections and referendums, model. The main aim of this work was to make a research which can help to understand, what Lithuanian society thinks about e-voting system creation and future plans to use it in Lithuanian elections and referendums and will it be possible, that e-voting system use in Lithuania will increase citizens participation in elections and referendums.

The aim of the final master's thesis is to create an electronic voting protocol based on blockchain technology. To ensure the transparency of the voting process, the process must be transferred to the electronic space. For this reason, the transfer of the voting process to the electronic space is an important issue, but to date it has not been definitively resolved. Existing electronic voting solutions are not widely used because of data security lack. The aim of the new electronic voting protocol is to ensure that the costs of the voting process are kept to a minimum, ensure the security of personal data, the anonymity of the vote and the transparency of the process itself. The analytical part presents an analysis of the most popular blockchain protocols and existing electronic voting solutions. Based on the results of the analysis, it was decided to create a new electronic voting system based on smart contracts and with the integration of the e-Government Gateway system. The project part describes the functionality of the developed system, which is reflected in UML diagrams and requirements specification. The document also describes functional, security, and compatibility testing. Structure: introduction, blockchain protocols and electronic voting systems analysis, electronic voting system prototype implementation and testing, conclusions, references and appendixes. Thesis consists of 79 text of pages, 26 pictures, 25 tables, 30 sources and 3 appendixes.

People with higher political homogeneity of their social network are more likely to be loyal voters of the same party than people, who are isolated from social and political communication, or people with politically heterogeneous networks.

People with higher political homogeneity of their social network are more likely to be loyal voters of the same party than people, who are isolated from social and political communication, or people with politically heterogeneous networks.

People with higher political homogeneity of their social network are more likely to be loyal voters of the same party than people, who are isolated from social and political communication, or people with politically heterogeneous networks.

People with higher political homogeneity of their social network are more likely to be loyal voters of the same party than people, who are isolated from social and political communication, or people with politically heterogeneous networks.

The joint results of seven public opinion surveys (N=7223) conducted during January-July 2018 are analysed in the paper. A big number (compared to usual public opinion polls) of respondents allows to increase a statistical reliability of the analysis of small demographic groups, in this case – groups of income per family member. The relationships between income and trust in institutions (Parliament, courts, mass media, etc.) are analysed in the paper. Due to a problem of comparability (the structure of political parties' system has changed in this period), the relationship between income and voting preferences is analysed on a smaller data file (N=4127, April-July 2018). Joint data files allowed to evaluate a relationship between income and other social demographic parameters, as well. For example, the data showed that income per family member is going down depending on age (exception is 50-59 year group when respondents are still working, but don't have under-age children anymore). Respondents having high education level have considerably higher income compared to other education groups. A differentiation of income depending on the place of residence is essential: income in Vilnius is considerably higher compared to other towns and regions. This factor has important influence on the voting preferences. Analysis of joint data files didn't show significant differences in trust in state institutions Parliament, Government, courts, police, military forces, President – depending on different income groups. Similar attitudes towards education and health care systems were fixed, as well. On the other hand, there are important differences between lower and higher income groups in the attitudes towards the mass media, banks and the Church. Higher income groups trust in the mass media and the Church less, but trust in the banks more. Popularity of the two biggest parties (according to 2018 polls) has a strong relationship with income per family member: it has a strong positive relationship with voting for Homeland Union (higher income – more voters) and a strong negative relationship with voting for Peasants and Green Union. The ratings of other parties do not have a significant relationship with income per family member, much lower compared to the results fixed in 2013.

The joint results of seven public opinion surveys (N=7223) conducted during January-July 2018 are analysed in the paper. A big number (compared to usual public opinion polls) of respondents allows to increase a statistical reliability of the analysis of small demographic groups, in this case – groups of income per family member. The relationships between income and trust in institutions (Parliament, courts, mass media, etc.) are analysed in the paper. Due to a problem of comparability (the structure of political parties' system has changed in this period), the relationship between income and voting preferences is analysed on a smaller data file (N=4127, April-July 2018). Joint data files allowed to evaluate a relationship between income and other social demographic parameters, as well. For example, the data showed that income per family member is going down depending on age (exception is 50-59 year group when respondents are still working, but don't have under-age children anymore). Respondents having high education level have considerably higher income compared to other education groups. A differentiation of income depending on the place of residence is essential: income in Vilnius is considerably higher compared to other towns and regions. This factor has important influence on the voting preferences. Analysis of joint data files didn't show significant differences in trust in state institutions Parliament, Government, courts, police, military forces, President – depending on different income groups. Similar attitudes towards education and health care systems were fixed, as well. On the other hand, there are important differences between lower and higher income groups in the attitudes towards the mass media, banks and the Church. Higher income groups trust in the mass media and the Church less, but trust in the banks more. Popularity of the two biggest parties (according to 2018 polls) has a strong relationship with income per family member: it has a strong positive relationship with voting for Homeland Union (higher income – more voters) and a strong negative relationship with voting for Peasants and Green Union. The ratings of other parties do not have a significant relationship with income per family member, much lower compared to the results fixed in 2013.

The joint results of seven public opinion surveys (N=7223) conducted during January-July 2018 are analysed in the paper. A big number (compared to usual public opinion polls) of respondents allows to increase a statistical reliability of the analysis of small demographic groups, in this case – groups of income per family member. The relationships between income and trust in institutions (Parliament, courts, mass media, etc.) are analysed in the paper. Due to a problem of comparability (the structure of political parties' system has changed in this period), the relationship between income and voting preferences is analysed on a smaller data file (N=4127, April-July 2018). Joint data files allowed to evaluate a relationship between income and other social demographic parameters, as well. For example, the data showed that income per family member is going down depending on age (exception is 50-59 year group when respondents are still working, but don't have under-age children anymore). Respondents having high education level have considerably higher income compared to other education groups. A differentiation of income depending on the place of residence is essential: income in Vilnius is considerably higher compared to other towns and regions. This factor has important influence on the voting preferences. Analysis of joint data files didn't show significant differences in trust in state institutions Parliament, Government, courts, police, military forces, President – depending on different income groups. Similar attitudes towards education and health care systems were fixed, as well. On the other hand, there are important differences between lower and higher income groups in the attitudes towards the mass media, banks and the Church. Higher income groups trust in the mass media and the Church less, but trust in the banks more. Popularity of the two biggest parties (according to 2018 polls) has a strong relationship with income per family member: it has a strong positive relationship with voting for Homeland Union (higher income – more voters) and a strong negative relationship with voting for Peasants and Green Union. The ratings of other parties do not have a significant relationship with income per family member, much lower compared to the results fixed in 2013.

The joint results of seven public opinion surveys (N=7223) conducted during January-July 2018 are analysed in the paper. A big number (compared to usual public opinion polls) of respondents allows to increase a statistical reliability of the analysis of small demographic groups, in this case – groups of income per family member. The relationships between income and trust in institutions (Parliament, courts, mass media, etc.) are analysed in the paper. Due to a problem of comparability (the structure of political parties' system has changed in this period), the relationship between income and voting preferences is analysed on a smaller data file (N=4127, April-July 2018). Joint data files allowed to evaluate a relationship between income and other social demographic parameters, as well. For example, the data showed that income per family member is going down depending on age (exception is 50-59 year group when respondents are still working, but don't have under-age children anymore). Respondents having high education level have considerably higher income compared to other education groups. A differentiation of income depending on the place of residence is essential: income in Vilnius is considerably higher compared to other towns and regions. This factor has important influence on the voting preferences. Analysis of joint data files didn't show significant differences in trust in state institutions Parliament, Government, courts, police, military forces, President – depending on different income groups. Similar attitudes towards education and health care systems were fixed, as well. On the other hand, there are important differences between lower and higher income groups in the attitudes towards the mass media, banks and the Church. Higher income groups trust in the mass media and the Church less, but trust in the banks more. Popularity of the two biggest parties (according to 2018 polls) has a strong relationship with income per family member: it has a strong positive relationship with voting for Homeland Union (higher income – more voters) and a strong negative relationship with voting for Peasants and Green Union. The ratings of other parties do not have a significant relationship with income per family member, much lower compared to the results fixed in 2013.

Politicians declare their behavior in different ways, so the only way to control it - monitoring. In this thesis tools for Lithuanian Parliament Members voting behavior are analyzed. The question is following: can Information technologies tool help to determine how membership in a faction or the position (opposition) is related with voting behavior? The main objectives of this work are Lithuanian Parliament members grouping by their voting behavior and its' change detection. In the thesis the 2008-2012 of the Parliament activities are analysed using statistical voting analysis. We use clustering for grouping members of the Parliament. A loose definition of clustering could be the process of organizing objects into groups whose members are similar in some way. A cluster (group) is a collection of objects which are similar between them and are dissimilar to the objects belonging to other clusters. We overviewed different clustering methods and their principles of operation, described the distance between the objects of calculation methods, quality evaluation criteria in this work. Voting data is stored in MySQL database, hence a tool was created for data processing. We describe all the stages of the work: the use of tools, coding of the votes, division of the votes into the periods. The following techniques were chosen: K-Means, Hierarchical Clustering with Complete (furthest neighbor), Average, Single (nearest neighbor) linkage. We use Euclidean and Manhattan methods for dissimilarity (distance) calculation. For the quality evaluation of clustering Purity, RAND and NMI are used. The data of the voting are divided into different periods (all sessions, months). For the grouping of members of the Parliament WEKA tool is used, for detection of voting changes RapidMiner tool is applied. This work concludes with experimental results, conclusions and the plans of future research.