Želja za osvajanjem športskih natjecanja ili opsjednutost postizanjem savršene građe učinila je pojedine adolescente i djecu podložnima uzimanju tvari ili primjeni metoda zabranjenih u športu. U našem smo se pregledu dotakli većine istraživanja iz područja dopinga koja se usko odnose na adolescente kao na vulnerabilnu skupinu. U potrazi za literaturom služili smo se tražilicom PubMed. Pretraga je izvođena po svim poljima na temelju MeSH predmetnica, adolescen*, doping, sport*, youth drug abuse in sport uz upotrebu Booleova operatora AND. Pubmed tražilica ponudila je više od 500 rezultata. Pomnim čitanjem sažetaka i cjelovitih radova, uz definiranu tematiku zanimljivu za raspravu odabran je 41 rad. Nesporna je činjenica da sredstva nedopuštena u športu štetno utječu na zdravlje, rast i razvitak u adolescentnoj dobi. Unatoč kreiranju politike i strategije razvijenijih zemalja u borbi protiv dopinga, rezultati jasno upućuju na to da se i dalje intenzivnije mora raditi na programima obrazovanja, prevencije, zabrane i testiranja na sredstva zabranjena u športu. ; The desire to win sports competitions or obsession with achieving the perfect body structure has made some adolescents and children vulnerable to taking substances and use of methods prohibited in sports. In our review, we refer to most of the research in the field of doping that narrowly concerns adolescents as a vulnerable group. In our search of the literature, we used the free search engine PubMed. The search was made in all fields based on the MeSH thesaurus; adolescent *, doping, sport *, youth drug abuse in sport using the Boolean operator AND. Based on the aforementioned MeSH thesaurus, using the Boolean operator AND, the Pubmed search engine offered more than 500 results. Careful reading of abstracts and full papers with a defined topic of interest for discussion included 41 papers. In conclusion, it is an indisputable fact that illicit substances adversely affect adolescent health, growth and development. Despite development of the policies and strategies of developed countries in the fight against doping, the results clearly indicate that education, prevention, prohibition and testing programs on substances and methods prohibited in sports still need to be intensified
The author suggests that the Dayton peace accord is primarily an expression of the West's (particularly America's) strategic interests, both regional & global. Numerous political constellations that have surrounded the conflict in the former Yugoslavia can be explained away if this proposition is accepted. The lamentations that the recognition of Slovenia & Croatia was premature is an expression of the disgruntlement over the failure to incorporate the entire Yugoslav territory within the Western interest sphere & the consequent relinquishment of Serbia to Russia. In southeastern Europe, Russia has proved to be America's sole strategic ally. Americans, realizing that their strategic interests became vulnerable due to the European rivalries, decided to strike on its own. The Dayton constitution of Bosnia & Herzegovina as a multicultural state is built on current political principles in line with the requirements of the moment, which include antifascism, anticommunism, antiterrorism, human rights, & multiculturalism. The author concludes that Croatian politics should fall in line with the strategic preferences of the West, which would enable it to accomplish its national interests. Adapted from the source document.
The author is critical of the introduction of the euro from the point of view of national & political economy. His criticism is based on four assumptions. The first is that the introduction of the euro gives rise to certain legal concerns. Some countries had not met the criteria for the introduction of the euro, yet it was introduced, which means that the European parliament & the national governments & their parliaments no longer respect the due process of law. The second is that the foreign debt, which amounts to 120% of GNP, is impossible to repay in those democracies that are not in the position to impose austerity measures that would include several legislatures. The third criticism is based on the fact that European countries are at different levels of development, which makes the monetary union much too vulnerable. The fourth criticism refers to the fact that common currency means common policy, &, consequently, the end of nation-states in Europe. Croatia may join the EU, but this would pose a challenge to its national sovereignty. 2 Tables. Adapted from the source document.
Croatia, together with some 30 countries, is waiting to be admitted into the World Trade Organization. Membership in the WTO is the first step in membership in CEFTA & one of the overture steps in joining the European Union. Apart from the undeniable benefits that WTO membership brings, there are numerous pitfalls & sacrifices facing Croatia, which at the beginning may have a detrimental effect on some sectors of economy. Among the sectors most vulnerable to global competition is that of agriculture & food production. Its position on the local market will be significantly weakened, since it is uncompetitive even at the present level of protective tariffs. The central issue in the negotiations for admitting a country or a group of countries into this organization are protective tariffs in this sector. There is no doubt that Croatia will have to reduce these protective measures to the level required by the WTO. What is that going to mean for Croatian agriculture? To what extent is Croatian agriculture (un)prepared to meet these demands? What are the possible consequences in light of the strategic importance of agriculture for any country, Croatia being no exception? 1 Table, 18 References. Adapted from the source document.
Upravljanje financijskim tokovima iziskuje odgovarajuću povezanost deviznih rezervi, inozemnog zaduživanja i kontrole kapitala. Ove politike smatraju se alatom za predviđanje naglih zastoja (SS). Stoga se u ovoj analizi utvrđuje pojavljivanje naglih zastoja / prekida financijskih tokova na uzorku od 200 zemalja u periodu od 1985. - 2019. godine. Vjerojatnost SS-a određuje se pomoću logit modela. Rezultati ukazuju na činjenicu da efektivno upravljanje smanjuje vjerojatnost naglih zastoja. Provedena je analiza utjecaja rizika prelijevanja na bruto domaći proizvod, potrošnju, investicije i nezaposlenost. Rezultati pokazuju štetne utjecaje na ove makroekonomske varijable. Nalazi potvrđuju da zemlje sa zadovoljavajućom razinom deviznih rezervi, malim inozemnim zaduživanjem i koje započinju s kontrolom kapitala prije pojave naglih zastoja financijskih tokova manje pogađa rizik prelijevanja nego li gospodarstva u nastajanju, jer su znatno ranjivija od bogatih gospodarstava. ; Managing capital flows needs an appropriate association of foreign exchange reserves, foreign borrowing, and capital control. These policies are considered as a tool to predict sudden stops (SS). Consequently, this analysis identifies the occurrences of SS for a sample of 200 countries within the period 1985 - 2019. The probability of SS is determined through a logit model. Results suggest that effective management reduces the probability of sudden stops. A spillover risk influence analysis was conducted on the gross domestic product, consumption, investment, and unemployment. The results show harmful impacts on these macroeconomic variables. The findings demonstrate that countries with a satisfactory level of exchange foreign reserves, small foreign borrowing, and initiating capital controls before the occurrence of SS, are less touched by the spillover risk than emergent economies which are more vulnerable than rich economies.
This paper aims to present the development of the social dimension of higher education and the importance of developing social support through competent and professional counselling for students. The establishment of the European Higher Education Area (EHEA) and the social dimension of higher education dedicated to student support ensued from the acknowledged need to advance higher education in the European Union. Along with different measures of student support (such as financial aid, streamlined administrative requirements for admission, institutional support in housing, transportation, food, and health care), social support services, such as guidance and counselling, equally represent a significant aspect of the social dimension. Dedicated institutional structures provide formal social support such as student counselling centres, which offer individual or group counselling and support students in overcoming the challenges of the academic experience. Finally, the activities concerning the social dimension of higher education focus on vulnerable groups, as well as the role and the importance of further developing counselling support at higher education institutions in Croatia. ; Cilj je rada prikazati razvoj socijalne dimenzije visokoga obrazovanja te važnost razvoja socijalne podrške kroz stručno i profesionalno savjetovanje namijenjeno studentima. Svijest o potrebi unaprjeđenja visokoga obrazovanja u Europskoj uniji vodila je utemeljenju jedinstvenoga područja europskoga obrazovanja tzv. EHEA (European High Educatian Area) i unutar njega, posebnoga područja koje se bavi podrškom studiranju kroz tzv. socijalnu dimenziju visokoga obrazovanja. Uz različite mjere pomoći studentima u vidu financijskih potpora, jednostavnijih i olakšanih administrativnih pravila upisa, institucijske podrške u vidu stanovanja, prijevoza, hrane i zdravstvene pomoći. Važan dio te socijalne dimenzije odnosi se na usluge pružanja socijalne podrške u smislu usmjeravanja i savjetovanja. Formalna socijalna podrška ostvaruje se preko specijaliziranih institucionalnih usluga kao što su studentska savjetovališta koja nude usluge individualnoga ili grupnoga savjetovanja i pomaganja studentima u prevladavanju izazova na koje nailaze u akademskom životu. Zaključno rad kroz socijalnu dimenziju visokoga obrazovanja stavlja fokus na ranjive skupine te ulogu i važnost daljnjega razvoja savjetovališne podrške na visokim učilištima u Hrvatskoj.
Suvremeni pristupi određenju zdravlja već su dugo pod utjecajem shvaćanja koji ga opisuju kao stanje potpunog tjelesnog, duševnog i socijalnog blagostanja, a ne samo odsustva bolesti. Naročito osjetljive društvene skupine poput obitelji, djece i mladih, ali i brojne specifične kategorije stanovništva poput izbjeglica, siromašnih, etničkih, seksualnih ili rasnih manjinskih skupina pogođene su dodatno u zajednicama u kojima žive upravo putem utjecaja koji prema njima vrše članovi te iste zajednice. Zbog toga su se tijekom posljednjih desetljeća u teoriji i praksi različitih profesija koje se bave zdravljem stanovništva (kao što su to medicina, socijalni rad, psihologija i druge) razvili pristupi i modeli koji zdravlju pristupaju unutar paradigme razvoja zajednice i promocije zdravlja. Time su na neki način zajednica i koncept zdravlja postali nerazdvojivo povezani. Zdravlje u zajednici predstavlja sposobnost zajednice da stvori i uspješno koristi resurse s ciljem podrške dobrobiti i kvalitete života zajednice. Razvoj zajednice odnosi se na proces njegovanja osjećaja zajednice, jačanja socijalnih veza među ljudima, podizanja kohezije s ciljem postizanja harmonične, podržavajuće, i za život poticajne i zanimljive okoline ljudima. On se zasniva na razvoju resursa u zajednici koji se mogu između ostalog pronaći u grupama za samopomoć, sustavu socijalne podrške ili razvoju sustava koji jačaju sudjelovanje građana u usmjeravanju i oblikovanju zdravstvenih prioriteta. Promocija zdravlja u zajednici predstavlja konceptualni okvir koji naglašava primarnu prevenciju i perspektivu utemeljenu na suradnji sa stanovništvom, a na nju se može gledati kao na filozofiju, proces, projekt ili ishod. Razvoj zajednice i promocija zdravlja u zajednici sadrže fundamentalno vjerovanje da ljudi mogu identificirati i rješavati svoje probleme. S tim ciljem razvijeni su brojni modeli rada u zajednici od kojih su neki postavljeni ideal-tipski, a neki su proizašli iz prakse rada stručnjaka diljem svijeta. U radu su prikazane neke ključne odrednice koncepata razvoja zajednice i promocije zdravlja, obilježja konteksta u kojima se procesi razvoja zajednice i promocije zdravlja odvijaju, specifičnosti pojedinih modela rada, njihovih ključnih vrijednosnih odrednica i njihovi ciljevi. Zaključno, istaknuto je kako razvoj zajednice i promocija zdravlja u zajednici predstavljaju suštinski aspekt suvremene prakse i politike zdravlja te kako se koristeći zajednicu kao ishodišnu točku svojih intervencija mogu postići značajni uspjesi u unapređenju položaja različitih, osobito ranjivih, društvenih skupina te ujedno utjecati na smanjenje financijskih troškova povezanih s postizanjem tog cilja. ; Modern approaches to health determination have been influenced since long time ago by the notions that describe it as a state of complete physical, mental and social well-being,and not just the absence of illness. Particularly vulnerable social groups such as families, children and young people, as well as many specific categories of the population such as refugees, poor people, ethnic, sexual or racial minority groups are additionally affected in the communities in which they live by the influence exerted on them by members of that same community. As a result, approaches and models have evolved in the theory and practice of different professions dealing with population health (such as medicine, social work, psychology, etc.) within the last decades, within the paradigm of community development and health promotion. In this way, the community and the concept of health became inseparable. Community health is the ability of a community to create and successfully use resources to support the well-being and quality of life of the community. Community development refers to the process of fostering a sense of community, strengthening social ties between people, raising cohesion with the aim of achieving a harmonious, supportive, and stimulating and engaging environment for people. It builds on the development of community resources that can be found, among other things, in self-help groups, the social support system, or the development of systems that enhance citizen participation in directing and shaping health priorities. Community health promotion is a conceptual framework that emphasizes primary prevention and a community-based perspective, and can be viewed as a philosophy, process, project or outcome. Community development and community health promotion contain the fundamental belief that people can identify and solve their problems. To this end, a number of community-based work models have been developed, some of which are ideally-typed and some derived from the practice of professionals around the world. The paper presents some key determinants of the concepts of community development and health promotion, the characteristics of the contexts in which the processes of community development and health promotion take place, the specifics of particular models of work, their key values and their goals. In conclusion, it was emphasized that community development and promotion of community health are an essential aspect of contemporary health practices and policies, and that using the community as a starting point for their interventions can achieve significant success in promoting the position of diverse, especially vulnerable, social groups and at the same time reducing financial costs associated with achieving that goal.
From the viewpoint of cybercrime, young people represent a particularly vulnerable category of Internet users: children, adolescents and students. Young people are, undoubtedly, the most common and the most gullible users of social networks. Due to lack of education related to dangers they are exposed to on social networks, inexperienced users recklessly post information and multimedia contents on their profiles which can be misused by differently motivated Internet users. Apart from being exposed to the risk from the violation of personal privacy and misuse of personal data, young people are exposed to the risk from political or ideological manipulation. Various studies on social networks and secondary school students have been conducted in the Republic of Serbia. However, no study in this field which would look at university students has yet been conducted. The purpose of this study was to discover the extent to which students use social networking sites, but also the sources and ways students perceive online security risks associated with social networking. Study results show that the media has a dominant role in educating young people on the risks associated with social networking and that the impact of the media is greater than the impact of other educational factors such as family, school or university. ; S gledišta kibernetičkoga kriminaliteta mladi ljudi (djeca, adolescenti i studenti) predstavljaju osobito ranjivu skupinu korisnika interneta. Mladi su ljudi, bez sumnje, najčešći i najlakovjerniji korisnici društvenih mreža. Zbog nedostatka edukacije o opasnostima kojima su izloženi na društvenim mrežama, neiskusni korisnici na svojim profilima nesmotreno objavljuju informacije i multimedijske sadržaje koje mogu upotrijebiti korisnici interneta koji imaju drugačije motive. Osim što su izloženi riziku kršenja osobne privatnosti i zlouporabe osobnih podataka, mladi se ljudi izlažu mogućoj političkoj i ideološkoj manipulaciji. U Republici Srbiji provedene su razne studije o društvenim mrežama i srednjoškolcima, no ni jedna od tih studija nije za ciljnu skupinu imala studente. Svrha ovoga istraživanja bila je ustanoviti do koje se mjere studenti koriste društvenim mrežama na internetu i utvrditi izvore putem kojih se informiraju o sigurnosnim rizicima vezanim uz društveno umrežavanje. Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju da mediji imaju dominantnu ulogu u upoznavanju mladih ljudi s rizicima vezanim uz društveno umrežavanje. Utjecaj medija veći je od utjecaja ostalih odgojno-obrazovnih čimbenika kao što su obitelj, škola ili fakultet.
Ekonomsku krizu koja je prisutna u Španjolskoj od 2008. godine pratilo je povećanje nejednakosti i stope siromaštva. Cilj rada je odrediti najranjivije društvene skupine u smislu siromaštva u Španjolskoj. Empirijska analiza koristi informacije iz Ankete o uvjetima života iz 2015. godine, kako bi objasnila varijablu siromaštva koja je katalogizirana u tri kategorije (teško siromaštvo, umjereno siromaštvo i bez rizika od siromaštva) kod osoba starijih od 16 godina; eksplanatorne varijable su sociodemografske i radne, te predstavljaju različite skupine španjolskog stanovništva. Studija primjenjuje multinomični logistički regresijski model na posljednje podatke Ankete o životnim uvjetima, koji će nam omogućiti procjenu vjerojatnosti da je osoba starija od od 16 godina u stanju umjerenog siromaštva, teškog siromaštva ili je bez rizika od siromaštva za različite analizirane kategorije. Postoji nekoliko razlika u siromaštvu ovisno o spolu; kategorije koje najviše pogađa umjereno i / ili teško siromaštvo su razdvojene i razvedene osobe, stranci koji nisu iz Europske unije, osobe s niskom razinom obrazovanja i privremenim zaposlenjem. Moramo prihvatiti da u situacijama poteškoća postoje neke skupine koje su zbog svojih gospodarskih uvjeta u lošijem položaju za suočavanje s nepovoljnim situacijama. ; The economic crisis present in Spain since the year 2008 has come accompanied by increases in inequality and in the rates of poverty. The objective of this paper is to determine the most vulnerable social groups in terms of poverty in Spain. The empirical analysis uses the information of the Survey of Living Conditions from 2015, in order to explain poverty catalogued as severe poverty, moderate poverty and without risk of poverty for persons older than 16 years; the explanatory variables are of socio-demographic and labour types, and they represent different groups of the Spanish population. The study applies an ordinal logistic regression model to the data of the Survey of Living Conditions, which will allow us to estimate the probabilities that an over-16 individual is in a situation of moderate poverty, severe poverty, or with no risk of poverty for the different categories analysed. There are a few differences in poverty depending on gender; the categories most affected by the moderate and/or severe poverty are separated and divorced persons, foreigners not from the European Union, persons with low training levels, and those with a temporary contract. We must accept that in the situations of difficulty, there are some groups that, due to their economic conditions, are at a disadvantage to face adverse situations.
Korupcija na lokalnoj razini zabrinjavajuća je pojava u zemljama Europske unije. Cilj rada je utvrditi obilježja lokalnih vijećnika na drugoj razini vlasti koja opisuju njihovu veću ili manju izloženost korupcijskim pritiscima. Istraživanje, provedeno na više od pet tisuća vijećnika iz 14 europskih država, propituje može li se njihov subjektivni dojam o doživljenim korupcijskim pritiscima opisati njihovim socio-demografskim obilježjima. Rezultati klaster analize su pokazali da u državama Europske unije postoje dvije grupe lokalnih vijećnika koje različito doživljavaju izloženost korupciji i da korupcijski rizici više pogađaju lokalne vijećnike u posttranzicijskim zemljama. Članovi klastera lokalnih vijećnika koji se osjećaju manje izloženi korupcijskim pritiscima su iz 'starih' zemalja Europske unije, zemalja s općenito nižom prisutnosti korupcije, a to su ujedno klasteri s većim udjelom žena i profesionalnih političara u odnosu na klaster vijećnika koji su pod većim korupcijskim pritiskom. Rezultat koji ponajviše pridonosi postojećoj literaturi je da su opažene statistički značajne razlike u izloženosti korupcijskim pritiscima vijećnika u lokalnim jedinicama veće ili manje fi skalne snage. Svrha rada je bila utvrditi ranjive skupine lokalnih vijećnika u cilju jačanja njihovog integriteta za što su neke preporuke ponuđene u zaključku. ; Corruption at the local level is a worrying phenomenon in the EU. The aim of the paper is to identify characteristics of the councillors at the second tier level that describe opinion about their greater or lesser exposure to corruption pressures. The goal of the analysis of opinion of more than five thousand councillors from 14 European countries is to investigate whether their subjective impression of the underlying corruption pressures can be described by their socio-demographic characteristics. Results of the cluster analysis have shown that there are two groups of local councillors in the EU, that they experience corruption differently, and that the corruption risks affect local councillors in post-transition countries more. Local councillors who consider that they are less exposed to corruption pressures are from the "old" EU countries, from countries with a generally lower level of corruption. This is also a cluster with a greater share of women and professional politicians. There are statistically significant differences observed regarding their exposure to corruption between councillors in local government units with larger or smaller level of fi scal decentralisation, and this is the most interesting finding of this research. The purpose of this paper was to identify vulnerable groups of local councillors in order to strengthen their integrity, for which some of the recommendations are given in the conclusion.
Korupcija na lokalnoj razini zabrinjavajuća je pojava u zemljama Europske unije. Cilj rada je utvrditi obilježja lokalnih vijećnika na drugoj razini vlasti koja opisuju njihovu veću ili manju izloženost korupcijskim pritiscima. Istraživanje, provedeno na više od pet tisuća vijećnika iz 14 europskih država, propituje može li se njihov subjektivni dojam o doživljenim korupcijskim pritiscima opisati njihovim socio-demografskim obilježjima. Rezultati klaster analize su pokazali da u državama Europske unije postoje dvije grupe lokalnih vijećnika koje različito doživljavaju izloženost korupciji i da korupcijski rizici više pogađaju lokalne vijećnike u posttranzicijskim zemljama. Članovi klastera lokalnih vijećnika koji se osjećaju manje izloženi korupcijskim pritiscima su iz 'starih' zemalja Europske unije, zemalja s općenito nižom prisutnosti korupcije, a to su ujedno klasteri s većim udjelom žena i profesionalnih političara u odnosu na klaster vijećnika koji su pod većim korupcijskim pritiskom. Rezultat koji ponajviše pridonosi postojećoj literaturi je da su opažene statistički značajne razlike u izloženosti korupcijskim pritiscima vijećnika u lokalnim jedinicama veće ili manje fi skalne snage. Svrha rada je bila utvrditi ranjive skupine lokalnih vijećnika u cilju jačanja njihovog integriteta za što su neke preporuke ponuđene u zaključku. ; Corruption at the local level is a worrying phenomenon in the EU. The aim of the paper is to identify characteristics of the councillors at the second tier level that describe opinion about their greater or lesser exposure to corruption pressures. The goal of the analysis of opinion of more than five thousand councillors from 14 European countries is to investigate whether their subjective impression of the underlying corruption pressures can be described by their socio-demographic characteristics. Results of the cluster analysis have shown that there are two groups of local councillors in the EU, that they experience corruption differently, and that the corruption risks affect local councillors in post-transition countries more. Local councillors who consider that they are less exposed to corruption pressures are from the "old" EU countries, from countries with a generally lower level of corruption. This is also a cluster with a greater share of women and professional politicians. There are statistically significant differences observed regarding their exposure to corruption between councillors in local government units with larger or smaller level of fi scal decentralisation, and this is the most interesting finding of this research. The purpose of this paper was to identify vulnerable groups of local councillors in order to strengthen their integrity, for which some of the recommendations are given in the conclusion.
This article examines participation in Early Childhood Education and Care (ECEC) in Kosovo based on a recent survey and administrative data. Kosovo's ECEC policy aims to provide education and care for children aged 0 to 6 through an approach consisting of highly targeted public services for more vulnerable social groups, while expecting the rest to rely on the market or the family. It also provides a universal, public (2.5 hours a day) school preparatory programme for children aged 5-6 years. Availability of ECEC services has been rising, but remains well below the levels of the countries in the region. New services are increasingly coming through a market-based provision which leaves large social groups such as low-income families, rural families, parents with lower educational status and other socio-economically disadvantaged parents worse off. Since ECEC is considered highly relevant for children's personal development and success in school, as well as for female participation in the labour market, the findings suggest that the current policy contributes towards cementing and furthering social and gender inequalities in the long run. In the absence of more comprehensive public services and other supportive family policy measures, Kosovo maintains a strong implicit familialistic policy with a weak potential to contribute to women's employment. ; Rad analizira participaciju u ranom i predškolskom odgoju i obrazovanju (Early Childhood Education and Care – ECEC) na Kosovu na temelju nedavnog istraživanja i administrativnih podataka. Politika ranog i predškolskog odgoja i obrazovanja na Kosovu nastoji osigurati odgoj i obrazovanje za djecu u dobi od 0-6 godina pristupom koji sadrži izrazito ciljane javne usluge za ranjivije socijalne grupe, te očekuje da se ostali oslanjaju na tržište ili na obitelj. Osiguran je opći i javni predškolski program za djecu u dobi od 5-6 godina u (2,5 sata dnevno). Dostupnost usluga ranog i predškolskog odgoja i obrazovanja se povećava, no i dalje ostaje znatno ispod razina drugih zemalja u regiji. Nove usluge sve su u većem broju tržišne zbog čega su velike socijalne skupine, poput obitelji s niskim primanjima, ruralnih obitelji, roditelja s niskim obrazovnim statusom i drugih roditelja nižeg socio-ekonomskog statusa, u još nepovoljnijem položaju. Kako se rani i predškolski odgoj i obrazovanje smatraju izuzetno bitnim za osobni razvoj djeteta i uspjeh u školi, kao i za sudjelovanje žena na tržištu rada, rezultati pokazuju da sadašnja politika doprinosi jačanju i produbljivanju socijalnih i rodnih nejednakosti u dugoročnom pogledu. U izostanku sveobuhvatnijih javnih usluga i drugih mjera za podršku obiteljima, Kosovo održava snažnu implicitnu familijalističku politiku sa slabim potencijalom da pridonese zapošljavanju žena.
Djeca čiji su roditelji u zatvoru predstavljaju posebno ranjivu skupinu. U radu se daje pregled zakonima zajamčenih prava djece i poteškoća u prepoznavanju najboljeg interesa djeteta i poštovanju prava djeteta čiji je roditelj u zatvoru. Također, daju se i neki primjeri dobre prakse u svijetu. Prava djece čiji su roditelji u zatvoru zajamčena su Konvencijom o pravima djeteta, Ustavom RH, Obiteljskim zakonom, Zakonom o zabrani diskriminacije, Zakonom o izvršenju kazne zatvora i mnogim drugim propisima i aktima na međunarodnoj i na nacionalnoj razini. U praksi, prava koja su zakonski zajamčena djeci zatvorenika ne ostvaruju se i krše se. To se prije svega događa zbog nedovoljne osviještenosti stručnjaka i javnosti o ovoj skupini djece i nedovoljne prepoznatosti ove djece kako na međunarodnoj tako i na regionalnim razinama, nedovoljnog znanja o utjecaju kazne zatvora roditelja na dijete i nedovoljnoj senzibiliziranosti unutar različitih sustava (prvenstveno zatvorskog) za potrebe i prava ove djece. U posljednjih desetak godina ipak se primjećuju pomaci i promjene glede znanja o potrebama djece čiji su roditelji u zatvoru, no to još uvijek nije dovoljno. Zaključno, temeljem predstavljenih nalaza i dosadašnjih iskustava, predložene su smjernice za unapređenje zaštite prava i interesa djece čiji su roditelji na izdržavanju kazne zatvora, kako na razini socijalne politike, tako i na razini neposrednog rada stručnjaka koji se unutar različitih resora i struka bave ovom skupinom djece. ; Children of imprisoned parents represent an especially vulnerable group. The paper will display the data about the rights of the children which are guaranteed by law and the difficulties in recognizing and respecting the best interest of the child and the rights of the child whose parents are in prison. Additionally, some examples of the good practice in the world will be displayed. The rights of the children of imprisoned parents are guaranteed by the Convention on the Rights of the Child, the Constitution of the Republic of Croatia, Family Law, The Law on Prohibition of Discrimination, Law on Imprisonment and many other documents on the international and the national level. In practice, the rights which are guaranteed to the children by the law are not realized and are often violated. This is happening first of all because of the lack of awareness about these children and the lack of their recognition on the international and regional levels, furthermore because of the lack of knowledge about the implications of parental imprisonment on the child and because of the lack of sensibility among different systems (mostly the prison system) for the needs and rights of children of imprisoned parents. During the last ten years, some moves and changes have been made with regard to the knowledge about the needs of the children whose parents are in prison, but this is still not enough. In the end, some suggestions are made on the level of national policy and on the level of different systems and professionals who get in touch with the children of imprisoned parents.
Migracijski val od 2014. do 2016. u kojem je velik broj djece i majki iz država Sjevernog trokuta na putu prema krajnjem odredištu SAD-u bio u tranzitu Meksikom okarakteriziran je krizom. Kriza je podrazumijevala postojanje prijetnje koja opravdava provođenje izvanrednih mjera. Teza rada je da pod utjecajem SAD-a Meksiko migrante u tranzitu smatra prijetnjom sigurnosti građanima Meksika, a ne ugroženim pripadnicima istoga kulturnoga kruga koje treba zaštititi. Stoga se prema njima ne odnosi u skladu s ciljem ljudske sigurnosti, već primjenjuje silu. Rad predstavlja studiju slučaja. U prvom odjeljku dani su prikaz vrsta migracija i poimanje migracija u kontekstu ljudske i građanske sigurnosti, dok su u drugom analizirani potisni i privlačni faktori migracija iz država Sjevernog trokuta. U trećem odjeljku prikazana je politika tranzitne države Meksika prema ilegalnim migrantima. U radu je izložen sud o migracijskoj politici Meksika prema migrantima u tranzitu. Zaključeno je da je iz perspektive ljudske sigurnosti politika bila »loša« jer je bila diskriminirajuća i u neskladu s kulturno-političkim kontekstom te moralnim i zakonskim normama. No gledano iz perspektive nacionalne sigurnosti politika je bila »dobra« jer je bila ostvariva, postigla je rezultate uz prihvatljiv trošak ljudi i sredstva i njome su obranjeni državni interesi Meksika – dobri odnosi sa SAD-om. ; This article will attempt to answer two questions; first, in what way did the Government of Mexico attempt to resolve the influx of a large number of migrants, children and family members, from the Northern Triangle countries (Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras) who were transiting Mexico on their way to the United States in the 2014–2016 period? Second, why have migrants continued to arrive even after the adoption of the Mexican Programa Frontera Sur (PFS) of 2014, which was supposed to resolve the migration crisis and put an end to arrests and deportation? At the same time, the article will try to assess, according to Haines (2013), whether the Mexican post-2014 migration policy has been "good" (in line with the political and cultural context, achievable and effective with acceptable costs of staff and resources), or "bad" (discriminatory and incompatible with existing moral and legal norms). The thesis of the article is that under the influence of the United States, Mexico is treating migrants in transit as a security threat, rather than as members of the same cultural circle who require protection. So, instead of helping them, Mexico uses coercion to suppress them. While traditional threats are endangering the survival of the state, new threats to the state are also endangering individuals. The article consists of an introduction, three sections and a conclusion. The first section will provide an explanation of the relationship between migration and security (traditional national security and human security). The second section analyses the pull-and-push factors of migration from the Northern Triangle countries. This is followed by Mexico's transit policy towards illegal migrants, which is discussed in the third section. Case study research was used as a methodological strategy. The migration wave in the 2014–2016 period, consisting of many children and mothers from the Northern Triangle states transiting through Mexico on their way to the United States, was characterised as a crisis. A crisis implies the existence of a threat justifying the imposition of extraordinary measures. The issue of migrants in transit through Mexico was no novelty. Since the late 1980s, under the pressure of the United States, Mexico has been deporting migrants in transit back to their countries of origin. As Mexico has increasingly associated with the United States, there has emerged a growing need for greater compliance with "American requirements" and for the understanding of "American fears" of illegal migrants. After 11 September 2001, the fear became almost paranoid. Mexican presidents Fox, Calderon, and Nieto brought about and implemented a restrictive migration policy in line with the US policy, according to which migrants posed a threat to national security. Although repeatedly emphasising its intention to protect the migrants in transit, Mexico militarised and securitised its migration policy. This was particularly apparent after the 2014 Frontera Sur programme, which applied the same methods – arrest, deportation and denial of asylum – to the vulnerable population of women and children who largely satisfied the criteria for refugee status recognition. The PFS emphasised the intent to protect migrants, to better manage border crossings and to create security and prosperity zones in the south of the country. However, after two years of the programme's implementation it can be concluded that none of the objectives above have been achieved. Indeed, migrants in transit are additionally exposed to strife, suffering, and violations of their fundamental human rights, both by criminal organisations and the forces of law and order. Therefore, their transit has become much more uncertain than it was before. At the same time, human rights are violated by the state of Mexico itself, which denies migrants the right to asylum or recognition of humanitarian visas. The border in the south of the country has not become more secure. That PFS complies with US interests is apparent from the fact that the United States is its main source of funding, since it has managed to link the combat against drugs and migrants in transit via the Merida Initiative. The question is why have migrants continued to arrive despite everything mentioned above? It was their hope that somehow, they would reach the USA or, in the worst case, remain in Mexico. The most elementary human right, the right to life, is endangered in the countries of the Northern Triangle. In addition to personal insecurity, there are other human security threats in Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador forcing the citizens to flee and emigrate from political, economic, environmental, and health and food insecurity. With everything being said, it is not easy to evaluate the Mexican migration policy. From a perspective of human security, it was "bad" because it was discriminatory and incompatible with the cultural and political context, as well as with moral and legal norms. Evaluated from a national security perspective, it was "good" because it was achievable, it has yielded results with an acceptable cost of staff and resources and has achieved state interests – good relations with the United States. At the same time, it is one of the tools Mexico can use in the future if Trump should decide against Mexican interests (significant taxing of Mexican products or deporting the many Mexican citizens illegally residing in the United States). Since Mexico, Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador belong to the same cultural (historical, religious and linguistic circle), it was presumed that Mexico would pursue a policy that favours migrants and their protection; however, that did not happen. The authors agree with Kimball (2007: 140) that in the long run, Mexico will not be able to simultaneously advocate and implement both the pro- and anti-immigrant policy. The problem of the migrant wave, mostly consisting of mothers and children from the Northern Triangle countries, who were in transit through Mexico during 2014–2016, was attempted to be resolved via securitisation rather than care about their security. Castles de Haas and Miller (2014: 5) state that in the case of Mexico, there is a proliferation of migration transition, since it is turning from an emigration into an immigration country. To be more specific, with Trump coming to power, Mexico is increasingly not just a transit country, but also an ultimate destination country. Trump's immigration policy regarding immigrants from Central America suffers from deep historical amnesia related to the role of the USA in the Central American conflict of the 1980s, which has significantly destabilised the region. Moreover, Trump denounces and demonises as dangerous criminals the families, women and children, who have fled from violence contributed to by the USA (Portillo Villeda and Miklos, 2017: 53–54). This is one of the reasons the number of arrested migrants from Central America on the southern border of the United States has significantly decreased, but the number of asylum seekers in Mexico has increased threefold. There is a hope that new Mexican president Andrés Manuel López Obrador would perceive vulnerable Northern Triangle migrants more as a threat to human rather than national security.
Na sjevernim gradskim bedemima Salone započet je novi projekt obnove jedinstvenog spomenika fortifikacijske arhitekture. Izvorno podignut za vrijeme cara Marka Aurelija 170. g., tijekom posljednjih stoljeća antike, stalno se popravlja i dograđuje novim zidnim pojačanjima, mnogobrojnim istaknutim kulama i trokutastim bastionima. Ponovno otkriven perimetralni plašt, na pojedinim mjestima sačuvan u punoj veličini sto jasno pokazuje znatnu moć antičkog graditeljstva, pridonijeti ce osvjetljivanju urbanističkog razvoja glavnoga grada rimske provincije Dalmacije. ; The ruins of Salona, capital of the Roman Province of Dalmatia, have long drawn the attention of many scientists, whose first efforts were concerned with establishing the original size and appearance of the city. D. Farlati, C. Lanza and V. Andrić drew ground plans of the remains which were visible at the time. However, F. Carrara started the first systematic topographic research in 1846, and his ground plan is still used today as a basis for insights into the history of ancient Salona. The city's irregular shape was enclosed by walls with a total length of 4,077 metres, fortified with towers of which 88 have been rediscovered. During his research, F. Carrara discovered several city gates which had been previously unknown (Porta Andetria, Porta Caesarea, Porta Suburbia, Porta Capraria and the Western Gate). He made more detailed excavations in the north-eastern part of the city, where the remains of walls and towers, up to 33 feet high, were best preserved. He noticed various fortification elements - several layers of walls and towers, some with adjoining triangular bastions. He considered the first phase of the fortification to have been completed as early as the 2nd century BC, and several inscriptions showed that parts of the walls were built during the reign of Emperor Marcus Aurelius. Carrara observed that the walls had been considerably reinforced by the addition of towers during Diocletian's time. He believed that the triangular bastions were the final element of Salona's fortification. The inscription (CJL JII 1984) suggests that these were probably added when all the towers were renovated, during the rule of Theodosius II. E. Dyggve also researched the walls of Salona and came to more or less the same conclusions. Dyggve was most interested in the urban development of Salona; he established the location of the oldest, central part of the city and described the eastward and westward spread of urban development. Some authors, including W. Gerber and H. Kahler, have investigated the oldest city gate, the Porta Caesarea, and made suggestions for its reconstruction. H. Kahler also examined the visible parts of the walls which had been excavated at that time near the Porta Caesarea and in the north-east part of city, and tried to establish a relative chronology. D. Rendić Miočević paid particular attention to the oldest part of Salona and discovered a square corner tower at the junction of the northern and eastern walls. The Split Conservation Department of the Ministry of Culture commenced protective conservation work on the northern ramparts in 1997. After a considerable time a neglected stretch of wall, reinforced by numerous towers, was exposed to view north of Porta Andetria up to the corner where it turns towards Porta Caesarea. Don F. Bulić had constructed a walkway on the inside of the walls from this point, connecting the north-east and north-west corners of the city. The walls were at that time mostly half-concealed with earth, but some segments, preserved up to their original height, were left visible. Two significant segments of the excavated ruins of the northern walls are particularly impressive: one is the complex at Bilankuša with towers nos. 78-81 which have already been investigated; the other is part of the outer shell and its associated towers, nos. 53-60, which remain at almost their original height. Preventative conservation work has been done on the weakened and uncovered walls, after completion of survey, of photogrammetric, architectural and geophysical records and research. Many fragments of inscriptions and architectural decorations were discovered during this work, mainly material from tombstones which had been re-incorporated into later structures. They came probably from the ancient necropolis which stretched along the ancient street from Porta Caesarea to the north-east, an area which was later incorporated in the secondary ring of walls (the Urbs orientalis). Further inscriptions discovered on the walls between towers 74 and 75 showed that Emperor Marcus Aurelius (CIL III 8570, 6374) was responsible for their construction. About ten late-antique amphorae, mostly spatheia dating from the 5th to the 7th centuries, were discovered in the in-fill immediately behind this original segment of the wall, which has been accurately dated from the inscriptions. The fact that they were found in the in-fill between two walls indicates that major repair work had been undertaken on the fortifications. Similar secondary use of amphorae in the Salona fortification system had been found earlier near tower no. 60. These were of types Dressel 32 and 34, dated between the 4th and the 5th centuries, but remained in use until much later. The complex defence system of the ancient Salona consisted of a series of elements which today provide better insight into the inception and development of the city. It has not been established precisely when the walls of Salona were first built, nor when the Italics and the Romans settled permanently and created their own town on the territory of the indigenous Dalmatic settlement and the of Issaian emporium. Research to date clearly indicates that old lines of communication were respected and that the town followed the contours of the terrain at its inception, as is clear from the irregular shape of the perimeter walls which were built in accordance with contemporary building practise, and the skill of military architects. A new city gate, Porta Caesarea, flanked by octagonal towers, was made in the existing walls at the beginning of the Empire. An aqueduct constructed above the city gate and associated cisterns provided exceptional fire protection of the most vulnerable segment of the fortifications. The threat of barbarian attack led to the construction of a new ring of walls during Marcus Aurelius' reign by the locally stationed military units coh I Del and coh II Del, and by vexilationes leg II Piae et III Concordiae who were urgently summoned from the Province of Pannonia. Inscriptions on the wall show clearly that some sections were built under supervision of the military commanders of these units and that there was simultaneous work on several sections (CIL III 1979, 1980, 8570, 6374). Relatively few towers were built when the walls were first constructed. More were created when new dangers became apparent, especially on the northern ramparts which were naturally most exposed to the enemy. The date of their construction is an open question: it is likely that most were built before the beginning of the 5th century, because there is evidence that they were renovated around that time (CIL III 1984). Further research is needed to establish whether the triangular bastions were added during the renovation, or whether they were built during military operations associated with the Gothic-Byzantine wars. Walls were occasionally strengthened where the defences were weak or for better communication between the protruding towers. The laws of the period (Cod. Theod, XI, 17, 4; XV, l, 49) assigned continuing responsibility for renovation and upkeep of the walls to the community as a whole. During the rule of Theodosius II at the beginning of the 5th century, for example, all the towers, and perhaps all the walls which had been destroyed, were renovated. Constantianos executed emergency repairs to the weakened wails during the Gothic-Byzantine wars, and an outer trench was constructed (Procop. , Bell. Goth. V, 7, 9; 7, 26-31; 16). During the last centuries of the ancient world, the complex defence system around the capital of the Province consisted of walls, doubly reinforced in several places by additional walls, towers and bastions, and by embankments and trenches to form a unique example of fortification architecture. Some segments of the walls of Salona are preserved at their original height of almost ten metres, which show the power and might of ancient architecture, as in other sparsely preserved perimeters of ancient cities such as the walls of Theodosius in Constantinople and of Aurelian in Rome.
