Suchergebnisse

Carlsnaes, W.: Teorier om politiska allianser i internationell politik. - S. 9-14 Skogan, J. K.: Norske alliansetradisjoner. - S. 15-22 Graeger, N.: Norge, USA og de nye NATO. - S. 23-30 Rieker, P.: EU og Norden som militaerallianser og alliansepartnere for Norge. - S. 31-36 Haugevik, K. M.: Internasjonale sikkerhetsorganisasjoner som kontekst. - S. 37-44 Torjesen, S.: Hva med Russland? - S. 45-52

A little over a month before election day, victory in the race between George W. Bush & John Kerry appeared to depend on closely divided opinion among voters in a few battleground states, whose blocks of votes in the Electoral College could well decide the outcome. The essay interprets polls, interviews, & news reports with registered voters in four of these states: two so-called small states, one leaning toward Bush (MO) & one leaning toward Kerry (WA); & two large states, both highly contested, but one leaning toward Bush in some recent polls (OH), & another where opinion is too close to call the likely result (PA). The analysis focuses on the issues that voters considered most important in these states & nationally, policy regarding the economic problems, especially job losses, & approaches to dealing with terrorism & the war in Iraq. 28 References. Adapted from the source document.

What can account for the distinctive American style of political discourse, the independent course of US foreign policy, & the stubbornly enduring popularity of George W. Bush? The article argues that both rest on the deep structure of American thought that is on the one hand highly dualistic & on the other obsessed with the notion of purity. These produce a worldview in which the "Good" is wholly, indivisibly good, the "Bad" is wholly, indivisibly evil & "Good" is at eternal risk of corruption. This mental framework is first illustrated by means of two popular films, the 1989 Bill and Ted's Excellent Adventure & the 1964 Dr. Strangelove. Finally, the author draws on the work of anthropologist Mary Douglas to analyze the consequences of this way of thinking for US foreign policy, & argues that such a dichotomous worldview faces constant challenge from the existence of phenomena that do not easily fit it. Much of US foreign policy can accordingly be understood as varying strategies to protect American purity & to resolve ambiguous phenomena that threaten the prevailing American moral code. 20 References. Adapted from the source document.

This article presents the opinion that American exceptionalism has returned post 9/11. It is argued that Ronald Reagan's international relations during the cold war displayed the attitude that power is more important than intellectual, factual, historical, ideological, or moral obligations. The uses of power employed by Americans in international conflicts are compared to the uses of power employed by empires of the past. A historical exploration is included of the development of exceptionalist attitudes from the founding of the US in the 1700's, throughout the continual expansions of the 1800's and into the industrial and military power of the 1900's. It is further argued that American traditions during the early 1900's border on messianism, where the American people are the chosen people, and that Reaganism was a natural extension of these traditions, whereas post Reagan there was no need for American messianism or exceptionalism, and thus American Presidents sought a new world order where the US would participate in integrated global economics and politics in cooperation with other nations. George W. Bush's politics post 9/11 with its war on terror marked the return of American exceptionalism. E. Sundby