Suchergebnisse

There are two functions of the state liability principle. The first is to secure individual rights (including economic rights) from a wrongful act conducted by a government, and the second is to compensate for damage caused by the infringement of individual right. Economic right is inherently allowing an individual to pursue economic interest both domestically or globally. In order to accommodate this right, a government is obliged to provide trade rules and mechanisms for every individual to conduct their global economic activities by participating in the WTO. The objective of the WTO significantly corresponds to the individual's right in order to obtain trade benefits. Hence, when a government infringes trade rules and mechanisms underlined in WTO Law, it will directly restrict individuals from gaining trade benefits under the WTO or, moreover, it will restrain individuals from enjoying their inviolable economic rights. When the right is violated, and the damage occurs, it thus leads to the obligation for the government to compensate the damage according to the state liability principle. This article discusses the nexus between the state liability principle and WTO Law, in order to encourage national courts to exercise the function of state liability by referring to the infringement of economic rights caused by the violation of WTO Law.

ABSTRACT
This article develops a conceptual framework for understanding the ambiguous concept of public morals in World Trade Organization (WTO) law. It reviews the jurisprudence and literature to suggest there are four main options for operationalizing this concept in a legal test. If WTO adjudicators opt for an empirical approach, they can test whether a certain belief is genuinely held within the regulator's society (unilateralism) or whether it is shared more broadly by the global community (externalism). If WTO adjudicators prefer a 'moral' approach, they can interrogate the content of the regulator's measure (normative inquiry) or whether it addresses a moral issue (meta-ethical inquiry). Each of these approaches suffers from important weaknesses. WTO adjudicators have taken an equivocal approach: they make amorphous statements alluding to all four approaches but do not settle on a clear public morals legal test. In Seals, they went further by establishing an equivocal characterization of the European Union's (EU) policy objective, which failed to clarify what the EU's seal products ban sought to achieve or even whether it was based on objective rational considerations. This use of fallacious reasoning by dispute bodies has important implications for WTO law with respect to indeterminacy, transparency, and judicial activism.

"The governance of the European Union (EU) today represents a new form of legal pluralism. It involves relations between numerous sites of governance (Snyder 2000, 2002), encompassing the EU and its Member States but also including other institutions such as the World Trade Organisation (WTO). Both the European Court of Justice (ECJ) and the Court of First Instance (CFI) have contributed significantly to its construction. Especially since 1995, an increasing number of judicial decisions have created a dense web of relations between the EU, its Member States and the WTO. This chapter explores the ways in which the European courts have so far constructed this new form of multi-site governance. The chapter consists of three main parts, each focusing on a different strand in the emerging relations of multi-site governance. The first part discusses the integration of WTO law into EC law. The second part focuses on the position of individuals. The third part considers relations between WTO, the EU and the EU Member States. As summarised in conclusion, the European courts have articulated new relations between sites of governance which continue to reshape the distribution of law-making power in Europe." (author's abstract)

This article examines legal and geopolitical aspects of the China-Taiwan Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA). It begins by analyzing areas in which the two governments' measures contravene rules of the World Trade Organization (WTO). In particular, it provides the first detailed examination of the significant implications emerging from the ECFA for cross-straits trade relations and East Asian regionalism. The article also explains how the ECFA was modeled on free trade agreements (FTAs) of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and assesses the impact of the ECFA's early harvest program. Finally, the article discusses the ECFA's consistency with WTO requirements for an interim FTA agreement and potential legal issues arising from the dispute settlement mechanism. In this respect, the article presents a valuable case study of an FTA.