Suchergebnisse

In every country, the WTO rules should be viewed from two perspectives: (1) They are used to facilitate access to other countries' markets. (2) The mechanisms for the protection of a country's economy (which make up the bulk of the WTO regulations) are used for the justified & unjustified protection of a country's economy. The author analyzes GATT's basic norms & the Uruguay round of multilateral trade negotiations, with focus on the sector-accommodation policy, using financial services as an illustration. The creation of the WTO disposed of some shortcomings noticeable in GATT, eg, the temporary character of the regulations, the stable & predictable set of obstacles at the borders, & the objective procedures for dispute resolution. To implement the Uruguay session, which includes the GATT, all WTO member states are obliged to adopt its multilateral discipline & rules & bring their national regulations in line with the accepted obligations. The author concludes that the outcomes of the Uruguay session enhanced the role of world trade as a dynamizing factor of the growth of the world economy. 1 Table, 11 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author deals with the new cycle of multilateral trade negotiations that started in Doha in 2001. Since then, the main question has remained to be how to overcome the radically different priorities of developed & developing countries. ED insists on expanding the WTO regulation system. Developing countries were against broadening of the negotiations, especially not to development that is not directly related to the trade dimension. The clash appeared in the form of a crisis of the multilateral system but also in the form of a crisis of confidence in WTO. The general agreement signed by the members of WTO in July 2004 was of great importance for the future of multilateralism. It remains to be seen if that will be confirmed at the conclusion of the Doha cycle envisaged for the end of 2006. References. Adapted from the source document.

In the first part of the paper the author deals with some general aspects of the very complex process of trade negotiations. He explains that trade negotiations, bilateral or multilateral, are the basis for establishment of the international trade regime. In order to understand multilateral trade negotiations one should be familiar with its basis, which is composed of rules & procedures. Also, it is necessary to take into consideration the fact that these rules & procedures have not emerged at once but have been introduced in the process of adjustment to the needs of negotiators. In the second part of the paper the author considers the procedures in multilateral trade negotiations within the GATT/WTO international trade system. References. Adapted from the source document.

Croatia, together with some 30 countries, is waiting to be admitted into the World Trade Organization. Membership in the WTO is the first step in membership in CEFTA & one of the overture steps in joining the European Union. Apart from the undeniable benefits that WTO membership brings, there are numerous pitfalls & sacrifices facing Croatia, which at the beginning may have a detrimental effect on some sectors of economy. Among the sectors most vulnerable to global competition is that of agriculture & food production. Its position on the local market will be significantly weakened, since it is uncompetitive even at the present level of protective tariffs. The central issue in the negotiations for admitting a country or a group of countries into this organization are protective tariffs in this sector. There is no doubt that Croatia will have to reduce these protective measures to the level required by the WTO. What is that going to mean for Croatian agriculture? To what extent is Croatian agriculture (un)prepared to meet these demands? What are the possible consequences in light of the strategic importance of agriculture for any country, Croatia being no exception? 1 Table, 18 References. Adapted from the source document.

The authors analyze the developments in the world economy during the second half of the 20th century & the first five years of the 21st century, Based on the statistical data published in the editions of international organizations -- primarily UN, IMF & WTO, they explain the causes of recession in the world economy at the beginning of this century after it achieved an impressive growth in the second half of the 20th century. The authors also point to the factors that contributed to the accelerated recovery of the world economy & world trade in 2004 & 2005. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

In all the systems aspiring towards free trade it is of essence to reconcile this interest with the protection of other values; also, the member stets agree to certain restrictions of their regulatory autonomy for the system on the whole to strike an optimal balance among the relevant interests. In relatively heterogeneous systems such as the World Trade Organization (WTO), the members hold on to a significant portion of their regulatory autonomy in order to protect their values though this hampers the liberalization of trade. In relatively homogeneous systems, however, such as the European Union (EU), the members find it opportune to agree to tighter restrictions of their regulatory autonomy since thus they allow for increased trade without severely harming the other values. For Croatia it is good that the liberalization of trade & the restriction of regulatory autonomy have been gradual, occurring in four stages: the WTO membership, the Stabilization & Accession Agreement, negotiations on the EU membership & eventually the full EU membership. References. Adapted from the source document.

In all the systems aspiring towards free trade it is of essence to reconcile this interest with the protection of other values; also, the member stets agree to certain restrictions of their regulatory autonomy for the system on the whole to strike an optimal balance among the relevant interests. In relatively heterogeneous systems such as the World Trade Organization (WTO), the members hold on to a significant portion of their regulatory autonomy in order to protect their values though this hampers the liberalization of trade. In relatively homogeneous systems, however, such as the European Union (EU), the members find it opportune to agree to tighter restrictions of their regulatory autonomy since thus they allow for increased trade without severely harming the other values. For Croatia it is good that the liberalization of trade & the restriction of regulatory autonomy have been gradual, occurring in four stages: the WTO membership, the Stabilization & Accession Agreement, negotiations on the EU membership & eventually the full EU membership. References. Adapted from the source document.

Zajednička poljoprivredna politika (ZPP) ustanovljena 1962.god. je najznačajnija javna politika na koju odlazi velik dio proračuna Europske unije. Nakon 30 godina stabilnosti, ZPP prolazi kroz prvu značajnu reformu 1992., poznatijom kao MacSharryjeva reforma. Zatim slijede Agenda 2000 (1999.), Srednjoročni pregled (eng. Mid-Term Review, MTR 2003.), Zdravstveni pregled (eng. Health-Check, 2008.), Reforma ZPP-a 2013.-2020. i Reforma nakon 2020. Početkom 1990.-ih, kroz trgovinske pregovore u sklopu GATT-a (današnjeg WTO-a) na međunarodnoj razini se postiže dogovor, Sporazum o poljoprivredi, čime su se postavile prihvatljive i neprihvatljive mjere agrarne politike. Promjenom stavova društva o poljoprivredi i njezinom financiranju, unazad 30-ak godina, mijenjali su se i ciljevi agrarne politike, te oni sada obuhvaćaju zaštitu okoliša, krajobraz, dobrobit životinja, kvalitetu i sigurnost hrane. ; The Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) established in 1962 is the most important public policy to which a large part of the European Union budget goes. After 30 years of stability, the CAP is undergoing its first significant reform in 1992, better known as the MacSharry reform. This is followed by Agenda 2000 (1999), Mid-Term Review (MTR 2003), Health-Check (2008), CAP reform 2013-2020. and CAP post 2020 reform. In the early 1990s, through trade negotiations under the GATT (today's WTO), an agreement was reached at the international level, the Agreement on Agriculture, which set out acceptable and unacceptable agricultural policy measures. With the change in society's attitudes towards agriculture and its financing, over the past 30 years, the goals of agricultural policy have changed, and they now include environmental protection, landscape, animal welfare, quality and food safety.

The author analyses the role of services in the international market. Services sector has significant influence on economic growth & efficiency. Share of services in the world market is in contrast with the great role they play in the domestic market. Because of their intangible nature, trade in services is subject to larger limitations than trade in goods. Insufficient data or incomparable data on international trade in services makes this sector hard to analyze. Brought together to solve those problems, a few international organizations have made a Manual on Statistics of International Trade in Services. This & many others are ongoing efforts to set internationally comparable data for future analysis. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

EU's agrarian policy has always been -- & remains -- a complex issue of the Union's overall economic policy. Although agrarian policy was at first central for the Union & served as a cohesive & integrating factor, in time it became a bone of contention, a source of conflicts & feuding within the EU. Solving the problem of agrarian policy on the eve of the third millennium is one of the EU's priorities. The problems of agricultural subsidies in the EU, its Eastern expansion, & the demands of the WTO are far from being easy tasks. Besides, agrarian policy is not solely an economic matter, but also a social (particularly rural), ecological, cultural, & political problem. The problem of agriculture has always been considered a political problem & resolved as such. 1 Table, 15 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author's starting assumption is that globalization institutionalizes new forms of governance, but that this does not diminish the significance of the national state. On the contrary, globalization forces the advanced industrial societies to find a new balance between calls for economic efficacy & expectations regarding social security. On the other hand, national states have avoided the impact of globalization primarily owing to the (1) institutional acclimatizing reserve of modern democracies, (2) development & application of new political governing instruments, & (3) intelligent usage of international cooperational pressures in favor of national political innovations. However, all this does not mean that the national state has gone through globalization unscathed. A new architecture of political governance has emerged, called by the author the transnational regimes of politics. They include, besides national states, international organizations such as the WTO, regional integrations (EU, NAFTA), as well as a variety of national & transnational interest groups & movements. The author concludes that the efficacy of the new forms of governance must not be overrated. Also, the basic problem today is the expansion of the areas lacking functional markets, successful national states, or global forms of governance. 45 References. Adapted from the source document.

The Belt and Road Initiative proclaimed by President Xi in 2013, a strategy developed by the Chinese government, is very important to China but is not confined to China. In order for the initiative to be successful it needs to be embraced by the countries on the terrestrial and maritime route indicated in the plan. In the late 1980s Deng Xiaoping proposed to integrate Socialism with Chinese Characteristics (Zhongguo Tese Shehui Zhuyi,中国特色社国主国) into global capitalism and in the 1990s the Jiang Zemin leadership initiated the Going out policy (Zouchuqu Zhanlue, 走出去国略) – the current Belt and Road Initiative is China's continuation in implementing those policies into actual deeds. China's accession to WTO in 2001 marked China's full integration into the global economy and since then the People's Republic of China (PRC) has become the largest trading partner for more than 180 countries. The Xi-Li administration has been extremely proactive since it was established in 2012; from that year on, Chinese behavior in international affairs has gained an ever-growing role as a forger of economic and diplomatic ties between countries. The primary example of this behavior is the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). As every serious foreign policy plan, the BRI is an accumulation of various other initiatives. For example, the cooperation mechanism "16+1", with which the PRC has approached Central and Eastern European Countries (CEEC), can be integrated under the BRI. This paper analizes the "16+1" China-CEEC cooperation mechanism in the context of the bigger BRI initiative, and tries to comprehend the economic and political factors intertwined with its implementation. ; The Belt and Road Initiative proclaimed by President Xi in 2013, a strategy developed by the Chinese government, is very important to China but is not confined to China. In order for the initiative to be successful it needs to be embraced by the countries on the terrestrial and maritime route indicated in the plan. In the late 1980s Deng Xiaoping proposed to integrate Socialism with Chinese Characteristics (Zhongguo Tese Shehui Zhuyi,中国特色社国主国) into global capitalism and in the 1990s the Jiang Zemin leadership initiated the Going out policy (Zouchuqu Zhanlue, 走出去国略) – the current Belt and Road Initiative is China's continuation in implementing those policies into actual deeds. China's accession to WTO in 2001 marked China's full integration into the global economy and since then the People's Republic of China (PRC) has become the largest trading partner for more than 180 countries. The Xi-Li administration has been extremely proactive since it was established in 2012; from that year on, Chinese behavior in international affairs has gained an ever-growing role as a forger of economic and diplomatic ties between countries. The primary example of this behavior is the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). As every serious foreign policy plan, the BRI is an accumulation of various other initiatives. For example, the cooperation mechanism "16+1", with which the PRC has approached Central and Eastern European Countries (CEEC), can be integrated under the BRI. This paper analizes the "16+1" China-CEEC cooperation mechanism in the context of the bigger BRI initiative, and tries to comprehend the economic and political factors intertwined with its implementation.