Suchergebnisse

This paper analyses Brazilian multilateral commercial diplomacy first in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) between 1947 and 1994, then in the World Trade Organization (WTO) between 1995 and 1999. Participation in the GATT and the WTO has traditionally occupied an important position in the Brazilian agenda, but not always for the same reasons. The historical section is followed by an appraisal of Brazilian long-term multilateral commercial diplomacy in the GATT and the WTO, and in the final section the way ahead is pointed out. (Polit Externa/DÜI)

The liberalization of agricultural markets proved to be one of the most sensitive points in the Uruguay Round negotiations. The contrasting interests of developing and developed countries often give rise to dissensions and deadlocks. Nevertheless, the issue carries great importance within the context of the integration of the Americas, especially with the advent of the FTAA. Unlike what happens at the WTO, trade of agricultural products should gain priority status in the process of negotiations of the FTAA. (Polit Externa/DÜI)

Eine Sammlung der wichtigsten Gesetze zur Entwicklung der Landwirtschaft, die seit der Unabhängigkeit verabschiedet wurden; Gesetze zum Fischereiwesen sind darin nicht enthalten

This paper examines the new trends in commercial relations among countries involved in the global trade market, taking into account new determining factors such as China's probable admission into the WTO and the growing participation of some Asian countries in the global trade. It is also emphasized that, despite its economic stability, Brazil has been losing ground to other emerging economies because of the lack of qualified staff to conduct its internal transition into a more realistic and updated view of global trade, and also due to its domestic commercial deficit and a restrictive policy. (Polit Externa/DÜI)

This paper analyzes the outlook for Latin American economic integration at three interrelated levels: multilateral, hemispheric and sub-regional. At the multilateral level, it argues that the WTO is not prepared to regulate the competition patterns engendered by the information revolution, and this implies an interim role for regional institutions. At the hemispheric level, it shows that the FTAA will not provoke immediate threats to sub-regional agreements such as Mercosur, Andean Community and CARICOM. Consequently, the main challenge to be faced by Latin American governments in the near future is to manage the interplay between domestic policies and their agreements at sub-regional levels. (Rev Econ Polit/DÜI)

Comparative essay, constrasting the foreign policies of Fernando Henrique Cardoso's & Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva's administrations. Besides the general features of each diplomacy, external policies & practices of each government are compared for a set issues of the international agenda, namely: multilateralism & UN Security Council; WTO, multilateral trade negotiations & South-South cooperation; terrorism; globalization & financial flows; IMF & economic policy requirements; Brazil as a leader; South America; Mercosul; Argentina; Europe; relationship with the United States, & FTAA, with a final section on diplomatic tools preferred by each government. Break lines are much more evident in the style than in the substance of Brazilian diplomacy, which continues to show strong features of continuity. Appendixes. Adapted from the source document.

The first biannual Ministerial Meeting of the World Trade Organization took place in Singapore at the end of 1996. The meeting was the focus of widespread expectation, because a lack of success might have damaged the credibility of this new international body. However, the Ministerial Declaration issued at the end of the meeting gave clear signs that the WTO had consolidated its position as an important forum for issues related to the multilateral system of trade. From the Brazilian perspective the results were satisfactory. Brazil's interests were largely safeguarded in issues such as the social clause and the formation of regional blocks and investments, although less so in the discussion of the built-in agricultural agenda. (Polit Externa/DÜI)