Suchergebnisse

É objetivo deste relato de experiência apresentar os resultados de um processo coletivo de elaboração de conhecimentos suscitados no cotidiano escolar de aulas de Estudos do Lazer e Recreação Comunitária tendo como campo de atuação as áreas de extensão da Universidade Federal de Alagoas, utilizando os protocolos da pesquisa científica que tem como base a problematização tanto da realidade onde se inserem as práticas de extensão como as práticas pedagógicas e sociais. Este relato foi organizado em três partes: a) breve descrição das experiências geradoras, que motivaram a busca de uma maior sustentação científica e a necessidade de um referencial teórico metodológico que fundamente as práticas pedagógicas e de extensão; b) enunciação dos núcleos de referências que servem de premissas para a compreensão da prática; e, c) exposição dos principais resultados do processo coletivo estabelecido em torno da Linha de Estudos e Pesquisas em Educação Física & Esporte e Lazer (LEPEL) e finalmente, a maneira de conclusões, destacamos a importância da problematização e dos métodos científicos no aprimoramento das ações pedagógicas e transformadoras do ensino e a extensão.

O artigo apresenta reflexões teóricas sobre a produção e organização do espaço sob a influência do Estado. O espaço é entendido como o ambiente que sustenta as relações sociais ao mesmo tempo em que é modificado por elas, sendo compreendido como paisagem cultural. Por meio do sistema de regulação urbanística, o Estado intervém na produção e na organização da paisagem. O objetivo do artigo é discutir fundamentos para a construção da gestão democrática dos municípios brasileiros com o intuito de concretizar a noção de direito à cidade. A discussão é feita mediante pesquisa teórica que articula a formação da urbanística moderna, sua vinculação com a ciência moderna e sua ruptura com a política. A (re)vinculação da urbanística com a política, chave para a concretização do direito à cidade, pressupõe estruturas de gestão democrática. Essas estruturas necessitam de aberturas para a democracia direta, essa, exercida por meio da construção e reconstrução de verdades mediante o diálogo, pressupõe um Estado que provê os mínimos sociais para a redução das desigualdades das estruturas de poder e para a superação da distinção entre as atividades de planejamento e gestão. ; The article presents theoretical reflections on the production and organization of space under the influence of the State. Space is understood as the environment that sustains social relations while being modified by them, being understood as a cultural landscape. Through the urban regulation system, the State influences the production and organization of the landscape. The purpose of this paper is to discuss the foundations for the construction of the democratic management of brazilian cities in order to realize the notion of the right to the city. The discussion is made through theoretical research that articulates the formation of modern town-planning, its link with modern science and its rupture with politics. The (re) linking of town-planning with politics, key to the realization of the right to the city, presupposes democratic management structures. These structures need openings for direct democracy, which, exercised through the construction and reconstruction of truths through dialogue, presupposes a State that provides the social minimums to reduce inequalities in power structures and to overcome the distinction between planning and management activities.

Eric Weil's modern society is characterized among other things by its conception of science. Both based on the principle of effective calculation, the understanding of its functioning and its limitations go together. Thus, analyzing modern society contemplates a discussion of the instance that functions as its self-consciousness: the conception of science that is its own, the social sciences, whose model is the science of nature. Modern science and society are understood within the scope of the Weil's category of condition. Here there is no appeal to an unconditioned principle. Therefore, the question of sense can not be made. However, it is not a question of renouncing the achievements of modern science. In Weil's view, however, it must be recognized that the question of sense can be properly made. This is because it must be put through philosophy. Our objective in the present paper is to discuss the relationship between modern society, modern science and sense. This is because if there is a science of an efficacius society there is also a science of sense: this is philosophy.

Este artigo pretende, por um lado, explorar as ordenações teóricas que traçam a formação da classe eleita – ou as elites – transcorrendo a sua afirmação da circulação das profissões que acedem ao campo político e, por outro, entrecruzando os estudos de Foucault sobre parresía e elutéria com a noção weberiana de fechamento partidário, compreender o modo como os profissionais da política articulam a sua existência entre a vida civil e a vida estatal. Assim, esta análise orienta-se para a compreensão dos traços distintos dos grupos profissionais, enquanto característica objetiva para acesso e uso do poder em benefício próprio. Assente num estudo, que tem por base o caso dos deputados da Assembleia da República Portuguesa e na constatação que nela predominam "economistas", "advogados" e "professores", enquanto membros ativos, escrutam-se duas ordenações em coabitação nesta classe eleita: por um lado, entre o desapego, a ausência de medo e a capacidade de agir francamente, enunciados como qualidades interiores constituintes do político, e por outro lado, as práticas exteriorizadas com fins acobertados nas estratégias dos aparelhos partidários, formam-se duas configurações de sentido – a do político inteiro e a do político fracionado, ambos cultivados numa coexistência hegemónica, que enuncia, como modo extensivo da política, a transmutação da solidariedade ideológica para a introdução do antagonismo económico. ; This article aims to explore the theoretical structures that influence the formation of the elite class – or the elites – analysing the affirmation of these structures within the circulation of professions that have access to the political sphere, while comparing Foucault's studies on parrhesia and eluteria with Weber's concept of social closure by means of politicl parties, to understand how political professionals articulate their existence between civil society and public service. This analysis is orientated towards understanding the distinct traits of professional groups, as an objective characteristic for access to, and use of, power for personal benefit. Based on a study of MPs of the Portuguese Assembly of the Republic and the finding that "economists", "lawyers" and "teachers" are the predominant professions, detailed analysis is provided of two structures of cohabitation within this elite class: characterised on the one hand, by nonchalance, fearlessness and the capacity to act frankly, enunciated as constituent inner qualities of any politician, and on the other hand, by externalized practices, with hidden goals in the strategies of the party apparatuses. These two structures establish two configurations – that of the full-time politician and that of the fractioned politician, both of which are cultivated in a hegemonic coexistence, which expresses, as an extensive mode of politics, a transmutation of ideological solidarity for the introduction of economic antagonism.

Este artigo pretende, por um lado, explorar as ordenações teóricas que traçam a formação da classe eleita – ou as elites – transcorrendo a sua afirmação da circulação das profissões que acedem ao campo político e, por outro, entrecruzando os estudos de Foucault sobre parresía e elutéria com a noção weberiana de fechamento partidário, compreender o modo como os profissionais da política articulam a sua existência entre a vida civil e a vida estatal. Assim, esta análise orienta-se para a compreensão dos traços distintos dos grupos profissionais, enquanto característica objetiva para acesso e uso do poder em benefício próprio. Assente num estudo, que tem por base o caso dos deputados da Assembleia da República Portuguesa e na constatação que nela predominam "economistas", "advogados" e "professores", enquanto membros ativos, escrutam-se duas ordenações em coabitação nesta classe eleita: por um lado, entre o desapego, a ausência de medo e a capacidade de agir francamente, enunciados como qualidades interiores constituintes do político, e por outro lado, as práticas exteriorizadas com fins acobertados nas estratégias dos aparelhos partidários, formam-se duas configurações de sentido – a do político inteiro e a do político fracionado, ambos cultivados numa coexistência hegemónica, que enuncia, como modo extensivo da política, a transmutação da solidariedade ideológica para a introdução do antagonismo económico. ; This article aims to explore the theoretical structures that influence the formation of the elite class – or the elites – analysing the affirmation of these structures within the circulation of professions that have access to the political sphere, while comparing Foucault's studies on parrhesia and eluteria with Weber's concept of social closure by means of politicl parties, to understand how political professionals articulate their existence between civil society and public service. This analysis is orientated towards understanding the distinct traits of professional groups, as an objective characteristic for access to, and use of, power for personal benefit. Based on a study of MPs of the Portuguese Assembly of the Republic and the finding that "economists", "lawyers" and "teachers" are the predominant professions, detailed analysis is provided of two structures of cohabitation within this elite class: characterised on the one hand, by nonchalance, fearlessness and the capacity to act frankly, enunciated as constituent inner qualities of any politician, and on the other hand, by externalized practices, with hidden goals in the strategies of the party apparatuses. These two structures establish two configurations – that of the full-time politician and that of the fractioned politician, both of which are cultivated in a hegemonic coexistence, which expresses, as an extensive mode of politics, a transmutation of ideological solidarity for the introduction of economic antagonism.

Feminism contested conservative gender ideologies by emphasising the social construction of gender; but this risked treating gender as disembodied. Gender is indeed fully social, but it is also embodied; it concerns the way reproductive bodies enter human history. The steering of the process of social embodiment is inherently political; it is affected by recent changes in the institutional world. Notably, gender relations are re-shaped in colonialism and post-colonial globalization, themselves gendered processes. In the reconfiguration of power, a new kind of ruling class, organized on a world scale, has been emerging; its masculinized leadership is articulated with local patriarchies in the new economy. Unrestrained neoliberal power leads to new levels of commodification of bodies and new patterns of gendered violence. Resistance and opposition will also require new political configurations. ; O feminismo contestou as ideologias de género conservadoras, realçando a construção social do género, o que suscitou o risco de tratar o género como sendo descorporificado. O género é, efetivamente, integralmente social, mas também é corporificado, dizendo respeito à forma como os corpos reprodutores entram na história da humanidade. A condução do processo de corporificação social é inerentemente política e afetada por mudanças recentes no mundo institucional. Em particular, as relações de género são reformuladas no colonialismo e na globalização pós-colonial, eles próprios processos genderizados. Na reconfiguração do poder, tem vindo a emergir um novo tipo de classe dominante, organizada à escala mundial, e a sua liderança masculinizada é articulada com patriarcados locais na nova economia. O desenfreado poder neoliberal conduz a novos níveis de mercantilização dos corpos e a novos padrões de violência de género. A resistência e a oposição também necessitarão de novas configurações políticas.

Feminism contested conservative gender ideologies by emphasising the social construction of gender; but this risked treating gender as disembodied. Gender is indeed fully social, but it is also embodied; it concerns the way reproductive bodies enter human history. The steering of the process of social embodiment is inherently political; it is affected by recent changes in the institutional world. Notably, gender relations are re-shaped in colonialism and post-colonial globalization, themselves gendered processes. In the reconfiguration of power, a new kind of ruling class, organized on a world scale, has been emerging; its masculinized leadership is articulated with local patriarchies in the new economy. Unrestrained neoliberal power leads to new levels of commodification of bodies and new patterns of gendered violence. Resistance and opposition will also require new political configurations. ; O feminismo contestou as ideologias de género conservadoras, realçando a construção social do género, o que suscitou o risco de tratar o género como sendo descorporificado. O género é, efetivamente, integralmente social, mas também é corporificado, dizendo respeito à forma como os corpos reprodutores entram na história da humanidade. A condução do processo de corporificação social é inerentemente política e afetada por mudanças recentes no mundo institucional. Em particular, as relações de género são reformuladas no colonialismo e na globalização pós-colonial, eles próprios processos genderizados. Na reconfiguração do poder, tem vindo a emergir um novo tipo de classe dominante, organizada à escala mundial, e a sua liderança masculinizada é articulada com patriarcados locais na nova economia. O desenfreado poder neoliberal conduz a novos níveis de mercantilização dos corpos e a novos padrões de violência de género. A resistência e a oposição também necessitarão de novas configurações políticas.

Background: In a society increasingly marked by the logic of contemporary capitalism, education becomes an instrument for the reproduction of alienated labour forces. Objectives: To provide an overview of the characteristics of subjectivity and attitudes of the postmodern subject based on the studies of Fredric Jameson and David Harvey; unveiling the development of techniques for producing more effective ways of subjecting the company culture to neoliberal rationality described by Pierre Dardot and Christian Laval and their influences on the formation of contemporary identities; reflect on the role of education, in particular of scientific education, in overcoming the state of alienation brought about by the capitalist system of neoliberal societies. Design: Articulation between exploratory and bibliographic research, articulated with the theoretical frameworks of Paulo Freire's critical theory and pedagogy. Settings and Participants: Given the typology of the research carried out, articles, books and documents about the capitalist system in neoliberal societies, the educational legislation and Paulo Freire's pedagogy. Data Collection and analysis: Critical reflection on the texts consulted and included in the research. Results: There is a relationship between the subjects constituted from the marketing logic and the role of the school as a reproducer of mechanisms of subjugation to the hegemonic capitalist system; there is also the business and industrial influence in the development of educational policies throughout the history of education. Conclusions: As a possibility of transforming this scenario of alienation from the educational system to hegemonic power, the Freirean conception of emancipatory critical humanist education is presented, in addition to the reproduction of capitalist logic, based on the awareness of subjects based on dialogical pedagogy and the appropriation of the scientific knowledge as a transformer of reality.

The STS movement, which emerged in embryonic in the middle of last century and made over the decades, remains relevant to the society we live in. Thus, it is recurrent the need for a participation of this society in the direction given to the scientific and technological activity, demanding more democratic decisions. In this sense the research is based on the questionings: what is the characterization of educational practices carried out in STS field in Basic Education and in teacher training?; And, as has been the participation of society in scientific and technological development? As objectives, we seek: (i) identify which subjects have participated in decision-making on scientific and technological development, and how; (ii) analyze data referrals in respect of educational practices STS; (iii) to investigate whether the STS assumptions are advancing the Academy to implement educational practices; (iv) to point out horizons for Science Education in the perspective of curricular settings guided by the constitution of a culture of participation. It is a bibliographical research whose methodology was the Discursive Textual Analysis, composed of unitarization, categorization and communication. The corpus of analysis emerged four categories: 1) Limitations practices STS implemented; 2) Methodological aspects of practicas STS; 3) Social participation in the development of ST in classrooms; 4) Justifications for insertion of STS practices.

This article presents the contribution of Theodor W. Adorno to the configuration of an education capable of confronting contemporary irrationalism, through a resumption of the definition of dialectics as a critic of philosophical thought. It has modernly limited itself to rationalizing rationality to the highest power, without dwelling on the effects of its unfulfilled promises. The work of Adorno is recognized by a propensity according to which it is the responsibility of philosophy to critically reflect and clarify the way culture organizes itself. Such a proposition leads to a theoretical project that presupposes an awareness of the misconceptions of reason, in an attempt that, through enlightenment, man can construct possibilities of autonomy and emancipation. The article is organized in two parts, as follows: 1. Theorical-practical ambitions of the critical theory of society and 2) The threads that weave TW Adorno's critical theory, divided into three topics: a) The general cultural climate of late capitalism - the propensity for barbarism; b) Bankruptcy of culture - objective reason of barbarism; c) Reflexes of damaged life: the sickness of contact.