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本研究以土樓為案例,引入了跨學科的方法考察社會政治機制對中國鄉土建築的變化產生的作用。針對目前認為土樓視為客家族群特有的家族性防禦建築的觀點,我指出了土樓建築形式具有異質性,而這一異質性必須從業主的產權結構出發去理解。通過結合分析社會結構和空間組成,我提出大部分的土樓形式是由相對貧困並且貧富分化不明顯的社區成員合資建造的一種低造價的合作社住宅。我進而以1958至1983年間的建造高峰為例,揭示了土樓地區的居民如何策略性地利用社會主義集體共有的農村產權關係大量建造合作社住宅。 ; 論文從建築的空間結構與建造過程、業主的社會組織以及政治環境的歷史變化三個方面考察土樓。第一章回顧現有的土樓研究,提出從業主的角度研究鄉土建築的方法,並介紹了本研究的資料來源。第二章提出了一個從業主社會結構考察鄉土建築的分析架構。通過考察集合住宅中的兩個層次的社會團體,家庭與集體,我提出了一組將社會結構與空間構成相聯繫的表達式。第三至五章分別從建築學、社會學和歷史學的角度具體證明與業主有關的各種因素如何將土樓塑造成住宅合作社,並展示了政治制度的轉變如何影響到建築形式的變化。最後一章總結了本研究的貢獻。 ; 本研究運用了多學科的研究方法,通過結合建築形式與建造過程的分析、人類學的調研方法、社會學的社區分析理論以及地方史的研究,探討鄉土建築的形成原因與演變邏輯。此外,本研究也試圖在研究土樓的基礎上探討多層面的問題,包括對地方建築形式的定義方法、鄉土建築的研究方法論以及如何從社區在住宅建造上的策略性選擇理解地方與國家的關係。 ; This dissertation is an interdisciplinary research on the socio-political system to explain the transformation of Chinese vernacular architecture within the context of tulou, an architectural form in Fujian Province, Southeastern China. I challenge the myth that tulou are Hakka clan houses or fortresses and argue that most tulou are affordable cooperative houses. I further suggest that these cooperatives were adapted to the People's Commune property system and hence, experienced construction peak from1958 to 1983. ; This dissertation examines the architectural form of tulou, the social structure of its proprietors, and the socio-political changes that occurred during China's socialist transformation. Chapter 1 opens with a review of the tulou literature, which also introduces a socio-political approach in studying Chinese vernacular architecture. In Chapter 2, I propose a set of symbolic expressions and models to analyze the property structure and spatial configuration of collective houses. The next three chapters engage in different perspectives of tulou built in the 1958-1983, including the architectural issues in Chapter 3, the social issues of the proprietors in Chapter 4, and the political issues in Chapter 5. Finally, the concluding chapter summarizes the contributions of the research. ; This research combines architectural analysis, anthropological ...

Luk, Ki Chun. ; Thesis M.Phil. Chinese University of Hong Kong 2016. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves ). ; Abstracts also in Chinese. ; Title from PDF title page (viewed on …).

对于转型期中国的劳动争议,为何国家一边推动以法律规则为本位的劳动监管体系,另一边又不断恢复各种软化法律规则约束力的调解机制?为何从中央到地方再到各部门官僚都偏好于以调解的方式来处置劳动争议?而且,为什么90年代以来大规模的建章立制没有提升准司法的裁决率和司法的判决率,反而使得劳动争议的调解率长期居高不下?国家是如何维持强大的调解能力的?劳资双方又为何愿意接受国家的调解?最后,国家对调解的偏好又会对工人维权行动带来什么样的影响?对于上述问题,本文提出一种"司法化与"政治化并行的双向运动的解释框架。虽然转型期的中国国家在司法机构建设、法律制定、等方面显示出一定的"司法化特征,但是与此同时国家也不断将司法体系"政治化,不仅干预和限制司法权力的行使,也在实际执行过程中软化法律规则的约束力。这种双向运动既根源于革命根据地时期和计划经济时期的制度遗产,也因转型期威权政体内部利益分化而不断强化。这两者也给劳资双方塑造了特殊的政治机会结构,既默许资方规避司法诉讼来压制工人维权,也促使工人高度依赖于国家调解来获得有限的经济赔偿。结果,"调解优先成为劳动争议处置的支配性策略,调解机制逐渐替代了劳动监察、行政裁决和司法判决等直接诉诸国家强制性权力的处置方式。这也是长期以来中国劳动争议调解率居高不下的主要原因。这种双向运动分别在宏观层面和微观层面带来了不同的后果。在宏观层面,"调解优先的策略发挥了分化工人的功能,使得制度化维权渠道中的劳动争议日益个体化和原子化。在微观层面,工人们"准司法化的维权观与国家"去司法化的维稳观之间产生了激烈的张力,形成了"挤出效应,迫使越来越多的维权工人退出法庭并走向街头,采取直接的、对抗性的、激进的、乃至暴力化的抗争行动。 ; An expansion of mediation in China's labor disputes resolution has gathered significant momentum since the middle of the 2000s. This tendency stems from the state's long-term dependency on politicized mediatory measure to contain labor's disruptive impulses. And the fragmentation of interests inside the authoritarian regime further marginalizes laws and judicial institutions in resolving grievance. These two factors have together shaped a political opportunity structure as "mediate first for both the labor and capital, and consequently, given a great impetus to the Grand Mediation campaign. By mobilizing grass-roots and non-judicial mediatory agencies to proactively intervene in labor conflict, the Grand Mediation has reinforced the state's capacity in managing contentious issues without resorting to either heavy handed repression or adversarial litigation. However, regarding the contradiction of the politicized mediation with workers' judicialized preference, the state's over-reliance on mediation may impel workers to alienate from institutionalized channel and subsequently deteriorates China's industrial relation. It is further argued that the prevailing of Grand Mediation may trigger off disruptive and violent labor protests in the long run. All in all, the tendency of "mediate first reveals a ...

有關臺灣邊地的拓墾研究,往往傾向研究土地拓墾的過程與組織。其基本論述架構是漢墾戶向官方申請墾照後,官府將界外未墾的荒埔提供給漢人開墾,漢人如何自力或與官方合作經營的結果。這類的研究論述忽略了原來早已存在的非法拓墾行動一直沒有消失。拓墾的申請與其說是新的程序,不如說是一種合法化的過程。也正是這樣一種認知脈絡下,內山設隘開墾的組織就不是表面上所認識的是一批為官方守邊,或是因生番擾害而防番的一支武力組織。十九世紀初隘的設防已逐漸成為一種界外開墾的管道,清代官方檔案也提醒我們注意這些界外開墾的墾戶不僅沒有防番,可能還一直與生番有貿易來往關係。換言之,這些以防番為名的墾戶其實是假借防番為名,掩護越界開墾之實,其向官府強調「生番擾害」的原因只是為自己取得更大界外土地開墾的正當性。 ; 道光年間以前這類非法開墾早已經存在,官方也早已發現界外越墾的問題,因此如何控制界外開墾乃成為官方邊地控制的一大課題。為了處理這些問題,官府不斷調整其政策與設定邊界,從乾隆到道光年以後,這些邊界的浮動,與其說是官方主動規畫計議的結果,不如說是漢人與熟番通過各種途徑越界開墾,建構地權主張、操弄挪移既有的邊界後,官府最終追認的結果。臺灣邊界的變動以及隘墾區的拓墾顯示清代官方政策的實踐是不斷在向地方社會的現實妥協中逐漸調整的,而地方社會也在官方政策的模糊空間中,藉由官方的名義與權威,尋求自己利益的伸張與庇護。這便是臺灣邊地所顯現的一幅國家與地方互動的景象。臺灣作為清王朝帝國的邊疆,其邊地社會的建構,除了幫助我們把握臺灣整體歷史進程的理解外,也提供我們從一側面掌握清帝國擴張的內在軌跡與多元族群統治下的彈性策略。 ; Existing studies on land cultivation in Taiwan's frontier have the focus on its process and organizations. The most popular narrative is that the Han Chinese cultivators were granted the right to the waste land from the government. What is missed out in the narrative is the fact that illegal cultivation that had lasted for so long had never disappeared; therefore the application for license was little more than a move of self-legitimating. In light of this, the organizations which set up forts and managed land cultivation should not be taken on surface value that their purpose was to safeguard the border for the government or defend against the harassment of the aborigines. The forts became a system of land cultivation beyond the border, and the official documents evidenced the fact that cultivators did not defend against the aborigines, rather, they kept doing businesses with them. In other words, the cultivators in the name of self-defending were actually to cover their illegal activities and to grabbing more land, and for that purpose they emphasized the "harassment of the raw aborigines". ; Illegal activities had already existed before mid-Qing. The government was aware of this border control issues and had adjusted its cultivation and border policies. The line was not planned by the government; it was just government ...