Suchergebnisse

Magistrsko delo obravnava uporabo drog v sklopu nočnega življenja v Sloveniji, pri čemer se osredotoča predvsem na after partije. Uporabo drog in after partije obravnava kot specifičen vidik obiskovanja nočnega življenja, pri čemer izhaja iz teze, da ju je treba razumeti sociološko in v širšem družbenem kontekstu. Ker je fenomen after partija na splošno še neraziskan, delo najprej opredeli njegove specifike in značilnosti obiskovanja after partijev. Nato posebej obravnava značilnosti uporabe drog na after partiju, predvsem vzorce uporabe drog, razliko med vzorci uporabe drog na after partijih in partijih ter identificira subjektivne razloge za uporabo drog na after partijih. Nadalje delo razpravlja o možnih tveganjih, ki jih prinaša obiskovanje after partijev in uporaba drog na njih, ter o občutenih posledicah obiskovanja after partijev, ki so lahko bodisi negativne ali pozitivne. Na podlagi identificiranih tveganj delo obravnava ukrepe za zmanjševanje škode, pri tem pa identificira ukrepe, ki jih sogovorniki pogosto uporabljajo in so jih prepoznali kot potrebne, ter ukrepe, ki bi si jih sogovorniki želeli. Na podlagi rezultatov raziskave magistrsko delo ugotavlja, da se after partiji realno in simbolno razlikujejo od ostalih vidikov nočnega življenja, prav tako pa se razlikujejo značilni vzorci uporabe drog ter s tem povezana tveganja in posledice. Kot ugotavlja raziskava, so zaradi drugačnih tveganj in posledic za after partije potrebni tudi posebni ukrepi zmanjševanja škode, zato naloga v sklepnem delu predlaga nekaj možnih ukrepov zmanjševanja škode za after partije. ; This work discusses the use of drugs in the context of nightlife in Slovenia, focusing primarily on after parties. Both the use of drugs and the after parties are analysed as a specific part of nightlife, arguing that this phenomena need to be understood sociologically and in a broader social context. Because after party as a phenomenon has not yet been thoroughly researched, this work first defines its characteristics and analyses the specificities of attending such events. The use of drugs during after parties is also discussed, focusing specifically on the patterns of drug use, on the difference between the patterns of drug use during parties and after parties, and on the subjective reasons for the use of drugs. Moreover, the work discusses the possible risks of attending after parties and of drug use as well as the consequences that visitors of after parties recognise as either negative or positive. On the basis of the recognised risks, this work further discusses the harm reduction measures, identifying those measures that are often used and recognised as necessary by the participants and those measures that the participants recognised as needed. This work argues that after parties differ from the rest of the nightlife on actual and symbolic level and that they are characterised by specific patterns of drug use as well as specific risks and consequences. Due to these inherent specificities, it is maintained that particular strategies of harm reduction need to be implemented. Some possible harm reduction measures for after parties are hence proposed.

The article analyses the frequency of interview addresses, as typologically
defined by Korošec (1998), in four radio interviews and four interview podcasts
featuring the same guests. In addition, some other textual strategies, such
as supporting signals and role reversals, are analysed. The journalistic interview
is a highly institutionalised form of one-way dialogue, which has indeed been
proven in radio interviews to a considerable extent. In podcasts, however, due
to the different production and listening practices, speech usually displays
more characteristics of everyday discourse, as was displayed in the choices of
interview addresses and other textual strategies in the analysed podcasts.
Keywords: interview, interview address, radio, podcast, everyday speech

Hungary is an extremely poor state in terms of energy resources; the energy policy of the country and the structure of energy resources used have been and are determined by the energy import dependence. After WWII, it could obtain its increased demand necessary to its extensive energyintensive industry established based on the Soviet model almost entirely from the Soviet Union. Hungary, just like other Central-European countries, tried to decrease its unilateral dependence on energy import linked to Russia through several measures in the past 25 years but these efforts achieved partial success only; the Russian energy import dependence of Hungary and of a large part of Central-Europe remained till the present days. The 'National Energy Strategy 2030' developed on the basis of the guideline, adopted in 2011, specified insurance of long-term sustainability, security and economic competitiveness as primary objective of the Hungarian energy policy. The Government intends to guarantee security of supply, to enforce environmental considerations and depending on the options of the country, to stand up for solving global problems through implementation of the strategy. The strategy intends to achieve the termination of the electricity import balance of the country until 2030 by this 'Nuclear-Coal-Green' scenario based on these three pillars.