Suchergebnisse

Der Autor beschreibt die wachsende außenpolitische Entfremdung zwischen Rußland und den USA in den 90er Jahren. Die Richtungsänderung der - ursprünglich amerikafreundlich eingestellten - demokratischen Kreise in Rußland hält er für die größte Niederlage der US-amerikanischen Politik. Die einander widersprechende Beurteilung beider Staaten hinsichtlich des Endes des Kalten Krieges und das während der militärischen Intervention der Nato in Jugoslawien zum Ausdruck gekommene Dominanzstreben der USA im internationalen System werden im Hinblick auf die Entwicklung der bilateralen Beziehungen erörtert. Abschließend werden die weiteren Entwicklungsperspektiven des bilateralen Verhältnisses diskutiert. (BIOst-Mrk)

The search and testing of drugs with senolytic activity is one of the new directions in gerontology. The number of "senescent" cells that increases with age contributes to the development of age-related diseases and chronic non-infectious inflammation. Removing "senescent" cells or suppressing their influence on surrounding tissues seems a logical step to improve the quality of life and, possibly, prolong lifespan. However, drugs that have senolytic and senomorphic activity in model systems cause the development of a number of side effects in clinical trials. In this review, we consider the main advances in the field of senotherapy, the prospects for the use of senotherapy drugs, and the limitations that researchers and clinicians may encounter.

The article examines the influence of monetary policy of the Bank of Russia on the dynamics of real GDP and its components, real wages and employment from 2003 to 2016. Using the Bayesian structural vector autoregression model (BSVAR) with recent dataset, the paper provides the calculation of the extent of changes in the main Russia's real sector indicators in response to monetary policy, money base and exchange rate shocks. The analysis allows to conclude that monetary policy leads to real variables changes in Russia. The expected contractionary monetary policy of the Central Bank of Russia with higher interest rates had a statistically valid weak negative effect on real indicators.

Since the end of the Cold War, the United States of America has pursued an offensive foreign policy. In the realities of the 2010s and 2020s, marked by mounting resistance to American global dominance, primarily from Russia and China, there are prerequisites for the adjustment of the U.S. foreign policy strategy. The aim of the article is to identify the underlying causes of offensiveness in U.S. foreign policy of the post–bipolar period based on theoretical constructs of offensive realism and liberalism. Research has shown that offensive realism and offensive liberalism can help understand the offensive nature of U.S. foreign policy after 1991 in their own way and make appropriate projections for the future. Based on the tenets of offensive realism, it can be assumed that the collapse of the Soviet Union and communism have created an enabling environment for maximizing the power of the United States, which Washington could not but leverage. Witnessing the dwindling U.S. power potential, as well as the strengthening of China and Russia in the 2010s – 2020s, Washington has not stopped acting in the logic of offensive realism, but under the Trump and Biden administrations it has definitely began to move towards defensive realism. As the rivals to the US continue to strengthen their capacities, this trend can only intensify. Following the tenets of offensive liberalism, it is possible to assume that after the Cold War, the power of the United States has turned out to be so great in comparison with other great and major powers that Washington has begun to offensively build an American liberal hegemony, letting power rivalry falls by the wayside. However, due to the weakening of the U.S. power potential, as well as the simultaneous rise of China and Russia, it has been forced to begin a transition to a strategy based on offensive and defensive realism under the Trump and Biden administrations. If its rivals continue to rise, the U.S. may turn away from offense altogether.

The article provides the analysis of the impact of monetary policy shock generated by the Bank of Russia on the Russian stock market yield dynamics. We have estimated the features and duration of the effect using SVAR models and monthly data for the period from 2005 to 2013. We examine a wide range of proxies for the monetary conditions: the key interest rate, monetary aggregate M2, the refinancing rate and the interbank lending rate.

The article discusses the features of product policy in marketing. The author analyzes the objectives, functions and structural elements of product policy as a tool to promote the products in the consumer market. Particular attention is paid to the practical implementation of product policy in the Russian context.

Today, the issue of drugs distribution through the Internet is especially urgent, since the World Wide Web has become an integral part of the life of the population, especially among adolescents and the youth. The article reveals the problem of the contact-free sale of narcotic drugs through virtual networks, which poses a threat to state and public security. Factors for the growth of cybercrime in the fi eld of drug trafficking have been identifi ed. The author defined the main aspects of the state legal regulation of committing drug crimes in the Internet space. English version of the article on pp. 80-84 available at URL: https://panor.ru/articles/usage-of-information-technologies-in-narcotic-drug-crime-system-as-a-threat-to-public-security/61600.html

The reality of Russia confirms the relevance of studying the specifics of the historical form of policy prevalent in the country. In order to analyze the nature of the existing order of power in post-Soviet Russia, different analytical categories are required compared to democracy or authoritarianism. This warrants using approaches and methods which lie at the border between political science and sociology. Such approaches allow for examining politics as a process and a result of not only the elites' doings, but also a group of actors, which is not only not outlined, but, on the contrary, isn't really limited. The author of this article offers an authentic policy typology, starting with its ideal variety, being institutionalized, based on universal trust rather than force and on competition between projects and decisions aimed at common benefit, conducted within an indefinite circle of free citizens. Compared to true policy, the main distinctions of other phenomena is a lack of institutionalization in the case of "under-policy", lacking principles of unrestricted participation and alignment towards common good in the case of "pre-policy", and the use of unlawful violence in the case of "anti-policy". These phenomena can be described using the collective term "quasi-policy". "Under-policy" and "pre-policy" are inherent to people's "natural state", and can be used as a means to adjust public life and the circulation of resources, while "anti-policy" is a perverse form of social order which arises from not knowing any non-violent solutions to various problems. Based on the empirical data, the author shows that "pre-policy", which is becoming ever less effective, is prevalent in Russia, while also considering possible trends for its subsequent transformation. "Pre-policy" is characterized by syncretism of the governmental, economic and legislative domains of public life, being an archaic phenomenon by default. However, the degree of "pre-policy's" archaism varies. In Russia's case it is quite high. In Russia we see a high degree of integration on the social level within situational informal groups (cliques), combined with a low degree of trust on the societal level, which leads to there not being ideologically manifested political differentiation. The tendencies when it comes to the transformation of Russia's "pre-politics" are multidirectional and conflicting: together with amplified "pre-policy" by means of increasing archaism, we can also observe pre-political actors occasionally resorting to certain principles of "under-policy" and "anti-policy", when "pre-policy" is unable to help said actors solve the problems that they face.

В статье выявляются специфические характеристики социокультурного пространства региона и ориентиры региональной национальной политики, сформированные с учетом этой специфики. На примере Республики Алтай исследована законодательная база региона в сфере национальной политики, структуры органов власти, отвечающие за реализацию национальной политики в регионе, конкретные векторы их деятельности: поддержка представителей КМНС, сохранение алтайского языка, деятельность по гармонизации межэтнических отношений и противодействию экстремизму в республике, патриотическое воспитание молодежи. Определено, что эти векторы сформированы в условиях специфичного социокультурного пространства региона, характеризующегося его полиэтничностью, республиканским статусом, наличием в этнической структуре региона коренных малочисленных народов, внутренней миграцией, что подтверждает тезис о необходимости учета региональной специфики при формировании национальной политики в нем.

В рамках антимонопольной политики могут применяться структурные или поведенческие меры для защиты конкуренции и общественного благосостояния. Вместе с тем эффективность таких мер зависит от характера влияния рыночной концентрации на конкуренцию. В экономической теории можно выделить как минимум два базовых подхода. Первый рассматривает высокую рыночную концентрацию как причину снижения конкуренции и общественного благосостояния (например, таких взглядов придерживались представители Гарвардской школы), второй подход допускает высокую концентрацию и как свидетельство интенсивной конкуренции, соответственно в таком случае не требуется государственного вмешательства. В статье для эмпирической проверки данных подходов был выбран рынок цемента России, проанализирован рост концентрации на рынках СФО и ДФО. Показано, что для таких рынков (с учетом их характеристик) более справедлив оказался Гарвардский подход, рост концентрации приводил к снижению интенсивности конкуренции. Вместе с тем антимонопольная политика регулятора (ФАС) активно использовала поведенческие меры, достаточно сложные для применения, но которые не препятствовали росту концентрации. Для такого рода рынков можно рекомендовать применение не поведенческих, но структурных мер для повышения эффективности антимонопольной политики.