Suchergebnisse

Three major legal and public policy arguments are made to justify a rollback in the application of federal civil rights remedies to electoral under-representation of African American and Latino voters: 1) political exclusion by race and ethnicity is now the exception; 2) existing barriers to minority political participation are internal to the populations and therefore not susceptible to external remedy; 3) external intervention will not change anything, because electoral inequality is not based on discrimination. If race and ethnicity no longer represent a major barrier to political participation, the argument goes, then federal intervention in state and local electoral affairs is no longer necessary. To examine these claims, I analyze a legal challenge to at-large elections waged by Latinos in Watsonville, California, in the late 1980s, and found each of them wanting. Although Watsonville is a relatively small community of 33,000, it is symbolic of Latino political struggle and empowerment in several respects, including minority voting rights. Latinos had become almost half the population by 1980, but none could get elected to the city council in an at-large election system. Gomez vs. The city of Watsonville overturned at-large elections in 1988 an se a legal precedent for similar challenges throughout California. Events in Watsonville demonstrate the role race and ethnicity can play in U.S. elections, and the impact of minority and majority power relations under conditions of rapid demographic change fueled by New Mexican immigration. Although some may argue that Latinos should not have been brought under the protection of the Voting Rights Act of 1975, the history of discrimination and resistance to Latino empowerment by mainstream Watsonville leads to the conclusion that judicial intervention in the form of district elections was necessary to bring about minority political incorporation. Implementation of district elections resulted in increased minority voter turnout in the 1989 Watsonville elections, and the election of more-representative city council members, including the Latino.

Florence Wyckoff's three-volume oral history documents her remarkable, lifelong work as a social activist, during which she has become nationally recognized as an advocate of migrant families and children. From the depression years through the 1970s, she pursued grassroots, democratic, community-building efforts in the service of improving public health standards and providing health care, education, and housing for migrant families. Major legislative milestones in her career of advocacy were the passage of the California Migrant Health Act and, in 1962, the Federal Migrant Health Act, which established family health clinics for the families who follow the crops along both the eastern and western migrant agricultural streams. This volume continues Wyckoff's story of the arduous political struggle for federal and state legislation providing for health services for migrants, the California and Federal Migrant Health Acts. Once this legislation was in place, Wyckoff was involved in a new battle to insure continuing budget appropriations for the migrant health programs. In her narration, Wyckoff provides additional chapters on her fifteen-year tenure on the Governor's Advisory Committee on Children and Youth, including the involvement of the Rosenberg Foundation in funding pioneering migrant public health services in the San Joaquin Valley; the changing living and social conditions of migrant workers during the period 1948-58; and the organizing of farmworker communities through citizen education and political action. Wyckoff also discusses many individuals who were significant in different areas of the struggle-- Anthony Rios and the CSO; notable growers, labor contractors, and public-spirited physicians, politicians and congressional staff members. The culmination of her varied work on the Governor's Committee was the organizing of the five Conferences on Families Who Follow the Crops, held in California between 1959 and 1967. The remaining two sections in this volume focus on Wyckoff's national and local work addressing and linking the issues of poverty and citizen participation. She chronicles her membership during the Kennedy Administration on the Study Committee charged with conceptualizing policy initiatives for what later came to be known as the War on Poverty. Some of the topics in this section include the concept of mainstreaming the poor; the 1960 White House Conference on Children and Youth; working with urban youth and the Watts Riots; the origin of the Headstart Program; and the function of the Citizens' Crusade Against Poverty. In the volume's final section, Wyckoff discusses her philosophy of citizen participation; describes how the War on Poverty emerged in Santa Cruz County; outlines some of its political and social consequences; and indicates how the Watsonville community defined and attempted to meet the housing, educational, and health needs of the migrant families so crucial to the region's agricultural economy.

Pedro Castillo was hired by UC Santa Cruz's history board in 1976, and affiliated with Merrill College. At UCSC, Castillo collaborated with professors in other disciplines in interdisciplinary team-teaching small seminars such asStudies in the American City, which in 1977 focused on Chicago and Los Angeles, and an oral history course documenting social, cultural, political organizations in the nearby working-class and primarily Latino city of Watsonville. These courses exemplified the intimate and creative learning atmosphere of UC Santa Cruz in the 1970s. Castillo was also an early affiliate of UCSC's American studies program and served as its chair in 1984. Castillo provides a detailed narration of the history of UCSC over the past four decades, particularly the development of the history and American studies departments and Merrill and Oakes College. He was one of the first Chicano/a professors hired at UC Santa Cruz and is now the one with the longest tenure and memory of the institution. He explores those memories in this oral history, describing the climate for Chicano/a and Latino/a faculty, staff, and students at UC Santa Cruz from the 1970s through the first decade of the twenty-first century. He discusses faculty appointments, changes in the curriculum, and student activism. In his long career at UCSC, Castillo served as a mentor and inspiration to many UCSC students, especially Chicano/Latino students, who found him accessible, attentive, and encouraging. In 1990, Professor Castillo and literature professor Norma Klahn cofounded and codirected UCSC's Chicano/Latino Research Center (CLRC), with funding from the Office of the President, among other sources. For many years, under a series of rotating directors, the CLRC has been a dynamic and creative research institution, supporting graduate student and faculty research with mini-grants, hosting lecture series and organizing conferences, and mentoring undergraduate students in learning to do research. The CLRC is closely connected with UCSC's Latin American and Latino Studies department, which Castillo also played a part in developing, and it is currently being revitalized after suffering recent budget cuts. From 2002 to 2008 Castillo served as provost of Oakes College. He and Shirley lived in the Oakes College provost's house and enjoyed the direct contact with students, where they hosted students, staff, and faculty. Castillo characterized his term as provost of Oakes as the "highlight of his tenure at UC Santa Cruz." More so than most UC professors, Castillo has stepped beyond the academy and become involved in the local communities of both Santa Cruz and Watsonville, where he has lived for many years. He served on the Parks and Recreation Commission in Santa Cruz, helping to implement the Heritage Tree Ordinance. Later he served on the Planning Commission, the Library Commission, the Pajaro Valley Community Health Trust in Watsonville; the Steinbeck Center in Salinas, and the Community Foundation of Santa Cruz. He has also worked to support candidates for city council and other offices in both Santa Cruz and Watsonville. He is now writing a comparative political history of electoral politics in Watsonville and Salinas, California. Castillo's political and cultural work extended beyond Santa Cruz County. In 1992 and again in 1996 he was chosen to be a Clinton delegate to the Democratic National Convention. He was a member of the National Council of the National Endowment for the Humanities from 1999 to 2004 and the California Council for the Humanities from 1999-2000.

Demographic shifts have put minority groups and the poor at greater risk to disaster during the last decade. Problems of sheltering and housing for these groups occurred following the 1989 Loma Prieta earthquake in Watsonville, California. To mitigate future problems, disaster planners must identify various ethnic groups and other groups in a community. Diversity must be built into the disaster response during the planning stage. Researchers should continue and expand work related to diversity and disaster.

This dissertation grapples with dominant ideas of school reform and socialmovement making. I argue that school reform efforts that remain within thediscursive and institutional domains of schooling often reproduce socialinequities. This qualitative case study focuses on Adelante, a collaborative effortamong researchers, teachers, community leaders, and first generation Latinoparents, who collectively worked to resist deficit discourses, imagine communityand student success, and mobilize community members and district personnel tomake the schools and community more responsive to the needs of the mostdisadvantaged students. This study extends beyond a tracing of modernistconceptualizations of resistance that define social change as occurring throughorganizing oppositional forces against institutional bodies and people in power, toexplore the ways in which Adelante collectively produced a feminist politic ofresistance. This politic rested in the inevitability of failure based on a masculinistdefinition of success and turned toward non-modern knowledges and practices asthe ethos from which to organize. This analytic frame attends to the perceived failures, productive tensions and disquieted affect of the organizations' history offormation, the process of digital storytelling, the anthology produced, and thequieter movements of social change.

Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- Figures -- Tables -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- Chapter 1. Minority Voting and Voting Rights: Congress and the Courts -- Chapter 2. Minority Voting and Voting Rights: Practice and Problems -- Chapter 3. The Beginning of the Push From At-Large to Single-Member Districts: Watsonville and Pomona -- Chapter 4. Dinuba and Its Aftermath -- Chapter 5. The Justice Department as a Player: Hanford, California -- Chapter 6. A Majority Minority City: Corcoran, California -- Chapter 7. The Arizona Cases: Phoenix -- Chapter 8. The Arizona Cases: Glendale -- Chapter 9. The Arizona Cases: Peoria -- Chapter 10. An Anglo-Driven Move to Districts: Colton, California -- Chapter 11. Conclusions -- Bibliography -- Table of Cases -- Index

Grace Palacio Arceneaux, a Mexican-American resident of Watsonville, California, was interviewed in 1977 by Meri Knaster, an editor at the Regional History Project, as part of a series of oral histories documenting local agricultural and ethnic history. Arceneaux was born in San Martin de Bolaños, Jalisco, Mexico, in March 1920. She came with her family to San Juan Bautista, California, in 1923 during the havoc of the Mexican Revolution. The family lived on a little ranch and eked out a living farming and doing field work. Her mother died in childbirth when she was a young girl, and shortly thereafter her father died, leaving Arceneaux to care for her nine brothers and sisters. As she said, she always had a child to carry on her hip, wherever she went. Not only did her parents not speak English, they did not want it spoken in the house; Arceneaux and her siblings translated for their parents, for their father's business deals and jobs. She attended school through the fifth grade and returned to school many years later, when she was in her forties, to obtain her high school diploma at Watsonville night school, and earned a degree at Cabrillo College. Knaster wrote in her notes of these interviews: "All those years of no schooling are not manifested in either her manner of speaking or vocabulary-- she's a very articulate woman." After her father died, Arceneaux hired out her family as a unit, working in the fields around San Juan Bautista whenever possible, and doing whatever else was available, keeping the county from separating her siblings and putting them in foster homes. Because of serious, recurring bouts of tuberculosis, she spent several years in sanitariums and was no longer able to do fieldwork due to the permanent damage to her health. Her narrative is rich in recollections of local history, of the Mexican and Filipino communities and their customs and inter-relationships. She was married at one time to a Filipino farmworker and so became a member of that community, as well. She also discusses the life of field workers, harvesting garlic and various other crops, and the role of labor contractors in agriculture. The period she spent among Filipinos is rich with details about a side of Watsonville life that is not well documented-- Chinatown, gambling, and prostitution. Her spirit of grit and determination shines through her descriptions of chronic hard times and poverty as she worked unremittingly to raise her siblings and to make a life for herself. Her life story shows how she made the transition from illegal immigrant farmworker to middle-class social activist. She speaks movingly of her marriages, work life, her precarious financial situation, and the importance of her Catholicism, as she her evolved from an unquestioning Catholic into her own self-defined understanding of her religion as it embraced activism and equality. As a mature woman she returned to school, and discovered the world of books and ideas, and gained confidence in her abilities to speak and think critically about the condition of her community, and its political and cultural marginalization. This in turn led to her involvement in community issues during which she became one of the first Mexican-American women in the Pajaro Valley to fight for bilingual education, outreach services for poor women, victims of domestic violence, and those seeking to gain educations for themselves. Knaster noted many small, telling details of Arceneaux's life when she interviewed her in her home in Watsonville. She wrote: "there is a nice back yard, where she hung laundry on her clothesline after one interview. We met in the kitchen, a remodeled expanded, large room, with a view of the yard through sliding glass doors, a room full of light, spacious. Grace always kept her hands busy-- she's one of those women whose work is never done because she does so much and is so industrious, never wasting a moment. She would wash and dry the dishes, pair socks that she had removed from the dryer or fold cloth napkins. Another time she worked on a quilt she had gotten from someone who had died. It was too big for their bed so she removed the trim and sewed as we talked." Knaster noted that in the background of the tape recordings you can often hear a tea kettle whistling, or water running as she washes dishes, as Grace's voice moves back and forth according to the activity she is engaged in. Sometimes she would get up from the kitchen table to demonstrate something-- how she used to work in the garlic fields, or how she would carry a little brother or sister on her hip. She would unabashedly let tears flow when relating especially emotional episodes in her life, lifting up her glasses as she wiped away the tears. Knaster characterized Arceneaux as a wonderfully warm, sharing, open person, and extremely informative as well. Despite the hardships in her life, her narration is not bitter or resentful. As her conversation reveals, she has a realistic understanding of ethnic and gender discrimination as it is manifest in the Mexican, Anglo, and Filipino communities, having experienced them herself as a single woman, a Mexican, and later as the wife of a Filipino with a Filipino/Mexican child. Her observations of ethnic and class distinctions in the agricultural communities of San Juan Bautista and Watsonville are a real contribution to the social history of this region.

Families Who Follow the Crops is divided into four sections. In the opening section Wyckoff discusses her participation in the New Deal gubernatorial campaign of Democrat Culbert L. Olson and her participation in the Olson "crusade", where she became an ardent advocate in behalf of the dispossessed migrant agricultural population in California. In the second section Wyckoff chronicles her political and social life in Washington, D.C., during World War II, where she continued to lobby for migrants at the national level by fighting to maintain the existence of the Farm Security Administration and to educate congress on agricultural issues. She worked with a number of organizations including the National Consumers League, the Women's Joint Congressional Committee, the Office of Price Administration, and Food for Freedom on public education and legislative lobbying on agricultural issues. The third section begins with Wyckoff's settling in Watsonville after the war, where she became a key figure in developing health and social services in Santa Cruz County, including the establishment of the Pajaro Valley Health Council and the Visiting Nurses Association, and in influencing grassroots, community-based health and social service planning. She discusses a number of significant developments in the evolution of local social services. In the final section of the volume, Wyckoff discusses her work on the Governor's Advisory Committee on Children and Youth, to which she was first appointed by Governor Earl Warren in 1948. Her tenure on this advisory committee continued under four governors during which she continued to pursue her investigations of the needs of migrant families and children. One of the most significant developments which grew out of her work on the Children and Youth's subcommittee on Children of Seasonal Farmworkers was the organizing of the five Conferences on Families Who Follow the Crops during the late 1950s and early 1960s. As a major organizer of these events, Wyckoff and her colleagues brought together growers and migrant workers, and convened as well social workers, migrant ministers, teachers, public health workers, labor officials, and members of rural county governments, all of whom were working in different ways to address the living conditions and well-being of migrant families. Wyckoff's interdisciplinary approach in the organizing of the conferences was in itself pioneering and laid the groundwork for legislation addressing migrant health needs. This legislation established public health clinics for farm workers nationwide-- along both the eastern and western migrant streams. The volume concludes with Wyckoff's commentary on the first Conference on Families Who Follow the Crops.

Jo Ann Baumgartner directs the Wild Farm Alliance, based in Watsonville, California. WFA's mission, as described on the organization's website, is "to promote agriculture that helps to protect and restore wild Nature." Through research, publications, presentations, events, policy work, and consulting, the organization works to "connect food systems with ecosystems."Sam Earnshaw is Central Coast regional coordinator of the Community Alliance with Family Farmers. Working with CAFF's farmscaping program, he helps farmers plant hedgerows and create grass waterways, improving production while increasing biodiversity and wildlife habitat on their lands. In 2009 Earnshaw was awarded the North American Pollinator Protection Campaign's Pollinator Advocate Award as part of an international effort to promote public awareness of bees, bats, butterflies, beetles, and other animals that enable the reproduction of over seventy-five percent of flowering plants. In 2008 Earnshaw and Baumgartner received the Stewards of Sustainable Agriculture (Sustie) award from the Ecological Farming Association.Baumgartner and Earnshaw met in the early 1980s while working on a five-year research project using reclaimed wastewater for crop irrigation in the Salinas Valley. Alarmed by the toxicity of the conventional agricultural environment, the couple became interested in organic production; when they left the research project in the mid-1980s, they started their own organic Neptune Farms, in Santa Cruz County. During this period they were involved with the development of California Certified Organic Farmers (CCOF) and with the early days of the Ecological Farming Association (EFA). In the early 1990s, Earnshaw began working for CAFF's predecessor, California Action Network, with its newly founded Lighthouse Farm Network, organizing breakfasts for farmers to share ideas and strategies for sustainable production. In the mid-to-late 1990s, Earnshaw and Baumgartner both worked with the Campaign to Save Pajaro Valley Farmlands and Wetlands, ultimately creating a 25-year urban growth boundary in the area.Sarah Rabkin conducted this interview with Baumgartner and Earnshaw at the WFA offices on Monday, May 18, 2009. At the time, both were giving considerable attention to issues related to food safety—a pressing concern in the wake of recent events. In the fall of 2006, an outbreak of food-borne illness caused by the pathogen E. coli 0157:H7 had sickened about 200 people and killed three; the outbreak was traced to bagged fresh spinach grown in San Benito County. Industry and government leaders were calling for the elimination of farm hedgerows and other non-crop vegetation in order to create "clean" or "sterile" growing environments, despite compelling evidence that the pathogen originated elsewhere. Baumgartner and Earnshaw were working hard to educate farmers, industry and government representatives, and the general public—explaining the benefits of farm biodiversity for soil and water conservation and ecological health, and promoting best practices for keeping the food supply safe.

Jo Ann Baumgartner directs the Wild Farm Alliance, based in Watsonville, California. WFA's mission, as described on the organization's website, is "to promote agriculture that helps to protect and restore wild Nature." Through research, publications, presentations, events, policy work, and consulting, the organization works to "connect food systems with ecosystems." Sam Earnshaw is Central Coast regional coordinator of the Community Alliance with Family Farmers. Working with CAFF's farmscaping program, he helps farmers plant hedgerows and create grass waterways, improving production while increasing biodiversity and wildlife habitat on their lands. In 2009 Earnshaw was awarded the North American Pollinator Protection Campaign's Pollinator Advocate Award as part of an international effort to promote public awareness of bees, bats, butterflies, beetles, and other animals that enable the reproduction of over seventy-five percent of flowering plants. In 2008 Earnshaw and Baumgartner received the Stewards of Sustainable Agriculture (Sustie) award from the Ecological Farming Association. Baumgartner and Earnshaw met in the early 1980s while working on a five-year research project using reclaimed wastewater for crop irrigation in the Salinas Valley. Alarmed by the toxicity of the conventional agricultural environment, the couple became interested in organic production; when they left the research project in the mid-1980s, they started their own organic Neptune Farms, in Santa Cruz County. During this period they were involved with the development of California Certified Organic Farmers (CCOF) and with the early days of the Ecological Farming Association (EFA). In the early 1990s, Earnshaw began working for CAFF's predecessor, California Action Network, with its newly founded Lighthouse Farm Network, organizing breakfasts for farmers to share ideas and strategies for sustainable production. In the mid-to-late 1990s, Earnshaw and Baumgartner both worked with the Campaign to Save Pajaro Valley Farmlands and Wetlands, ultimately creating a 25-year urban growth boundary in the area. Sarah Rabkin conducted this interview with Baumgartner and Earnshaw at the WFA offices on Monday, May 18, 2009. At the time, both were giving considerable attention to issues related to food safety—a pressing concern in the wake of recent events. In the fall of 2006, an outbreak of food-borne illness caused by the pathogen E. coli 0157:H7 had sickened about 200 people and killed three; the outbreak was traced to bagged fresh spinach grown in San Benito County. Industry and government leaders were calling for the elimination of farm hedgerows and other non-crop vegetation in order to create "clean" or "sterile" growing environments, despite compelling evidence that the pathogen originated elsewhere. Baumgartner and Earnshaw were working hard to educate farmers, industry and government representatives, and the general public—explaining the benefits of farm biodiversity for soil and water conservation and ecological health, and promoting best practices for keeping the food supply safe.

In an article summarizing his career, one newspaper characterized him as the "great graying grizzly bear of California politics," an old-style moderate Democrat whose career was animated by his dedication to his local district and his tireless efforts in behalf of its economic welfare. GOP legislator Bill Campbell once described Mello as "the only Democrat in the Senate with any experience as an entrepreneur," and one of the last of a dying breed of citizen legislators. Mello claims his approach to politics was derived partly from his mother--an openhearted, socially liberal Democrat, and partly from his father--a fiscally conservative Republican.The volume is divided into four sections, including Mello's early family life; his experiences in local politics as a member of the Santa Cruz County Board of Supervisors; his election to the State Assembly; and his tenure as state senator from the 15th District.He begins the narration with anecdotes about the local Portuguese community in Watsonville, his high school years, and work in his family's apple-farming and cold-storage business. His initial foray into politics began in 1950 when he was a Democratic volunteer during the senate campaign between Richard M. Nixon and Helen Gahagan Douglas. His local public service career began when he served as a member of the California Agricultural Advisory Board and as a fire commissioner.His discussion of his early political career covers his tenure on the Santa Cruz County Board of Supervisors and the issues that faced that body, including the preservation of agricultural land and related environmental issues; the founding of the UC Santa Cruz campus; town-gown relations; and his relationship with UCSC's founding Chancellor Dean E. McHenry.Mello's progressive agenda has included such issues as land preservation, gay rights, an assault-weapons ban, senior citizens rights, and the environment. His reputation for "bringing home the bacon" to his district has engendered both praise and condemnation; notwithstanding the criticism, he discusses how he paid scrupulous attention to his constituents' needs, never took anything (or any election) for granted, and in a Republican district, never faced a serious election challenge.Mello served two terms in the State Assembly, where he began his long involvement in senior issues as chairman of the standing Committee on Aging and also became an influential member of the Ways and Means Committee. During his tenure as state senator, Mello had a distinctive legislative record, frequently having more bills signed into law than any other senator. His legislative legacy includes a remarkable record of initiating senior citizen programs. He authored over 120 bills dealing with seniors, including the establishment of the California Senior Legislature; the first programs focusing on Alzheimer's, including respite care, adult day health care, and multipurpose senior service programs; important changes in laws affecting conservatorship and elder abuse; funding for senior meals programs; and nursing-home reform. Seniors throughout the state hold him in high regard for his work in their behalf.He describes his role in obtaining assistance for his district after the l989 Loma Prieta earthquake, in creating a visionary plan for the conversion of Fort Ord, and his efforts in behalf of UCSC--all of which demonstrate his consensus-building skills and his great imagination in crafting bills. During his tenure, Mello carried 727 bills and resolutions, 456 of which the governor signed; many of the others were integrated into other bills.The volume also includes Mello's thoughts on the legislative process; the role of lobbyists; the use of media in campaigns; the culture of the State Senate; and his reflections on the governors with whom he worked, from Edmund G. Brown to Pete Wilson. Mello also discusses his relationship with United Farm Workers founder Cesar Chavez, Chavez's historical legacy, and his own views on relations between growers and migrant farmworkers.

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS -- ACKNOWLEDGMENTS -- INTRODUCTION. Usable pasts and the persistence of radicalism -- PART 1: BODIES AND LIVES. SECTION A. FEMINIST AND QUEER FLASHPOINTS. 1.A.1. Combahee River Collective, "A Black feminist statement" (1977) -- 1.A.2. Iris Morales, "Sterilized Puerto Ricans" (1970) -- 1.A.3. United Front, "Forward macho" (1973) -- 1.A.4a. The Feminist, "Racist sexism in the trial" (1974) -- 1.A.4b. The Feminist, "We need the power to defend ourselves!" (1975) -- 1.A.5. Yvonne Swan, witness statement (1976) -- 1.A.6. Lavender and Red Union, "Gay liberation/socialist revolution" (1976) -- 1.A.7. Robin McDuff, Deanne Pernell, and Karen Saunders, "An open letter to the antirape movement" (1977) -- 1.A.8. Daniel Tsang, "Third world lesbians and gays meet" (1980) -- 1.A.9. Joseph Beam, "Caring for each other" (1986) -- 1.A.10. AIDS Action Pledge, "AIDS action pledge" (1987) -- 1.A.11. Vito Russo, "Why we fight" (1988) -- 1.A.12. ACT UP/Golden Gate, "Say it!! Women get AIDS" (1991) -- 1.A.13. Transgender Nation, letter to the editor (1992) -- 1.A.14. Call Off Your Old Tired Ethics, brochure (1993) -- 1.A.15. Critical Resistance and INCITE! Women of Color against Violence, "Gender violence and the prison-industrial complex" (2001) -- SNAPSHOTS: A brief history of SisterSong (Loretta J. Ross) -- Video activism, AIDS, and new queer cinema (Jih-Fei Cheng) -- The formation of Queers for Economic Justice (Joseph Nicholas DeFilippis) -- SECTION B. FIGHTING THE RIGHT. 1.B.1. Ellen Shaffer, "Bakke: fighting and winning together" (1977) -- 1.B.2. John Brown Anti-Klan Committee, "Principles of unity" and "National program" in The Dividing line of the 80s: take a stand against the Klan (1979) -- 1.B.3. National Anti-Klan Network, "Call for February 2nd mobilization, Greensboro, North Carolina" (1980) -- 1.B.4. Tede Matthews, "Speech at anti-Moral Majority demonstration" (1984) -- 1.B.5. Feminist Anti-Censorship Taskforce, "Feminism and censorship: strange bedfellows?" (1985) -- 1.B.6. WHAM!, No choice, no liberty (1991) -- 1.B.7. Washington Area Clinic Defense Task Force, "Goals and guidelines" (1990s) -- 1.B.8. Anti-Racist Action, "Points of unity" (1990s) -- 1.B.9. "African American women in defense of ourselves" (1991) -- 1.B.10. Marcy Westerling, "Rallying against the right: a case study in rural organizing" (1992) -- 1.B.11. Korean Immigrant Workers Advocates, editorial (1996) -- 1.B.12. Kiwi Collective, "Race and sex: who's panicking?" (2000) -- SNAPSHOTS: NC Senate vote '90 (Isabell Moore) -- The Northwest Coalition Against Malicious Harassment/Coalition for Human Dignity (Vernon Damani Johnson) -- SECTION C. LABORS OF SURVIVAL. 1.C.1. Las Vegas National Welfare Rights Organization, "Attention, sisters" (1971) -- 1.C.2. White Lightning, "Drug plague--a revolutionary solution" (1973) -- 1.C.3. Great Lakes Steal, "Women at Great Lakes Steel" (1973) -- 1.C.4. Women's Brigade of the Weather Underground, "Message from sisters who bombed HEW for International Women's Day" (1974) -- 1.C.5. Coretta Scott King, statement to House Subcommittee on Equal Opportunity and Full Employment (1975) -- 1.C.6. Auto Workers United to Fight in '76, "Letter from Rich Off Our Backs July 4 Coalition" (1976) -- 1.C.7. Victoria Frankovich, "Frankovich reflects on our past-- and the evolution to today" (1986) -- 1.C.8. September Alliance for Accessible Transit, "Why are we here?" (1987) -- 1.C.9. John Mehring, "Union's AIDS education committee helps health care workers, patients" (1987) -- 1.C.10. Marian Kramer, "Remarks on the National Welfare Rights Union" (1993) -- 1.C.11. Milwaukee Welfare Warriors, "Apologies don't help" (1996) -- 1.C.12. Mary Beth Maxwell, interview on Jobs with Justice (2013) -- 1.C.13. Tyree Scott, "Whose movement is it anyway?" (1997) -- SNAPSHOTS: The Watsonville Cannery strike, 1985-1987 (Patricia Zavella) -- The disability rights movement in the 1970s (Paul K. Longmore) -- Defending welfare rights in the 1990s (Marisa Chappell)

Since 1995, the James Irvine Foundation has invested more than $11 million to support the growth and development of Collaborative Regional Initiatives (CRIs) throughout the state -- nonprofit organizations that engage key players from business, environmental, and a variety of other advocacy groups with players from local governments and public agencies to create improvements in their regions. CRIs work on issues ranging across transportation, land use, housing, and economic development. They work in a variety of ways from developing legislation to media campaigns to practical work on particular projects. All are directed at building civic capacity and filling in gaps where government does not or cannot act. Some CRIs have been in place for years; others are more recently formed. They represent experiments in regional governance. The Irvine Foundation tapped a team of Berkeley faculty to perform an assessment of the CRIs so the foundation can target its resources in order to make them effective and sustainable over time and assist them in producing valuable outcomes for their regions. Together the team published case studies of four major CRIs -- the Bay Area Alliance for Sustainable Communities, Joint Venture: Silicon Valley, the San Diego Dialogue and the Sierra Business Council -- as well as an analysis of regional workforce development collaboratives in California. The study of regional workforce development collaboratives in California looks at a new approach to the problem of linking economic and workforce development -- in particular, a theory of change proposed by a group of stakeholders from a variety of sectors (government, foundations, and the workforce development system) in the late 1990s. To meet the multiple goals of increasing economic opportunity, decreasing poverty, and increasing regional economic competitiveness, these experts advocated a new workforce development system that was collaborative in scope, regional in scale, career-oriented in focus, and data-intensive in strategy. This study examines five cases that broadly follow this model of regional collaboration in order to determine how effective they are at problem-solving. The California Center for Regional Leadership (CCRL), the James Irvine Foundation (JIF), and the California Employment Development Department (EDD) worked with organizations to produce proposals that developed career progressions and identified partners and funding. Four organizations -- three Collaborative Regional Initiatives (CRIs) and one community college that was formerly part of a CRI -- were selected in March 2001. Of the CRIs, Fresno Area CRI was to train in occupations related to its water technology cluster; Gateway Cities Partnership (GCP) was to train in logistics; and Orange County Business Council (OCBC) was to train in information technology. Cabrillo College -- formerly part of a CRI called the Santa Cruz Clusters Project -- created the Watsonville Digital Bridge Academy (WDBA) also to train in information technology. This study compares these four workforce demonstration projects with another regional workforce development collaborative, the San Francisco Information Technology Consortium (SFITC). SFITC, which is funded in part by the James Irvine Foundation, consists of a network of community-based organizations and community colleges offering entry-level computer training, job placement, upgrade training, and needed social support to current and prospective IT workers. Based on 40 interviews with collaborative leaders and key informants, as well as review of related documents, this study asks whether the CRIs organize problem-solving around workforce development more effectively than do other collaboratives. It finds that regional collaboration is not well suited to addressing both workforce and economic development goals; however, it can make workforce development programs more effective if partners from both inside and outside the current system are engaged in a networked structure with clear roles and responsibilities, as opposed to a collaboration on paper. The report looks first at how organization structure (origin, mission, and organization), economic development focus, program design, and collaborative style shape program and other outcomes such as adaptiveness, ability to mobilize resources, and system change. A final section addresses the potential for sustainability of these workforce development innovations and the policy implications that emerge from the comparison of collaboratives.

In an article summarizing his career, one newspaper characterized him as the "great graying grizzly bear of California politics," an old-style moderate Democrat whose career was animated by his dedication to his local district and his tireless efforts in behalf of its economic welfare. GOP legislator Bill Campbell once described Mello as "the only Democrat in the Senate with any experience as an entrepreneur," and one of the last of a dying breed of citizen legislators. Mello claims his approach to politics was derived partly from his mother--an openhearted, socially liberal Democrat, and partly from his father--a fiscally conservative Republican. The volume is divided into four sections, including Mello's early family life; his experiences in local politics as a member of the Santa Cruz County Board of Supervisors; his election to the State Assembly; and his tenure as state senator from the 15th District. He begins the narration with anecdotes about the local Portuguese community in Watsonville, his high school years, and work in his family's apple-farming and cold-storage business. His initial foray into politics began in 1950 when he was a Democratic volunteer during the senate campaign between Richard M. Nixon and Helen Gahagan Douglas. His local public service career began when he served as a member of the California Agricultural Advisory Board and as a fire commissioner. His discussion of his early political career covers his tenure on the Santa Cruz County Board of Supervisors and the issues that faced that body, including the preservation of agricultural land and related environmental issues; the founding of the UC Santa Cruz campus; town-gown relations; and his relationship with UCSC's founding Chancellor Dean E. McHenry. Mello's progressive agenda has included such issues as land preservation, gay rights, an assault-weapons ban, senior citizens rights, and the environment. His reputation for "bringing home the bacon" to his district has engendered both praise and condemnation; notwithstanding the criticism, he discusses how he paid scrupulous attention to his constituents' needs, never took anything (or any election) for granted, and in a Republican district, never faced a serious election challenge. Mello served two terms in the State Assembly, where he began his long involvement in senior issues as chairman of the standing Committee on Aging and also became an influential member of the Ways and Means Committee. During his tenure as state senator, Mello had a distinctive legislative record, frequently having more bills signed into law than any other senator. His legislative legacy includes a remarkable record of initiating senior citizen programs. He authored over 120 bills dealing with seniors, including the establishment of the California Senior Legislature; the first programs focusing on Alzheimer's, including respite care, adult day health care, and multipurpose senior service programs; important changes in laws affecting conservatorship and elder abuse; funding for senior meals programs; and nursing-home reform. Seniors throughout the state hold him in high regard for his work in their behalf. He describes his role in obtaining assistance for his district after the l989 Loma Prieta earthquake, in creating a visionary plan for the conversion of Fort Ord, and his efforts in behalf of UCSC--all of which demonstrate his consensus-building skills and his great imagination in crafting bills. During his tenure, Mello carried 727 bills and resolutions, 456 of which the governor signed; many of the others were integrated into other bills. The volume also includes Mello's thoughts on the legislative process; the role of lobbyists; the use of media in campaigns; the culture of the State Senate; and his reflections on the governors with whom he worked, from Edmund G. Brown to Pete Wilson. Mello also discusses his relationship with United Farm Workers founder Cesar Chavez, Chavez's historical legacy, and his own views on relations between growers and migrant farmworkers.