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This paper aims to give a comprehensive picture of the objectives and perspectives behind the creation of the Central European Initiative (CEI). It also analyzes the role of CEI in the political, economic and social transition in the post-Socialist states. The article studies how CEI helped the integration of the Central European countries to the Western institutions, especially to the European Union (EU). The cooperation was founded in 1989 by Austria, Hungary, Italy, and Yugoslavia. It was unique and special in the era, as it had member states from totally different political and economic blocks. There are more approaches to explain the creation of this cooperation. According to the Liberal one, the founder states wished to create a flexible platform for the cooperation of countries from different blocks. This was also a political initiative to overcome on the divisions of bipolarity and the Cold War. The laid down political objectives in the official documents included the values represented by the European institutions. These values were adopted by the post-Socialist states. At the project level, the initiatives of CEI indirectly contributed to the economic and social transition in these countries. CEI and EU progressively built their close relations, and the support of EU integration became the mission of CEI. If we study the EU accessions in the region, we can state, CEI had a successful and important role in bringing closer the post-Socialist states to the EU.

The period of the interim unconstitutional administration in Hungary (5.11. 1861-18.07.1865), the socalled 'Schmerling-Provisorium' had certain dual character concerning operating conditions of the civil associations. After the paralysis of the former decade the quantitative as well as qualitative indicators showed dynamic development having started already in 1857/58. On the other hand, the mechanisms of direct and indirect state control of their operation were turning even more oppressing. Through confidential and never published instructions Count Mor Palffy who as governor stood at the head of public administration of Hungary strove in these years to work out and enforce ever more and more stipulations in order to restrict their autonomy. Before 1864 he did not intend to issue new general regulation in this respect, instead he endeavoured to build further restrictive instructions into the statutes of the new associations. In 1864, nonetheless, he made an attempt at enforcing new comprehensive regulation, without success. In the Western provinces of the Austrian Empire the mere existence of the recently founded constitutional political institutions, first of all of the 'Reichsrat', prevented any similar attempt at bringing civil associatios under strict state control, moreover, Palffy himself considered the matter of associations as an provincial affair and not as an imperial one, thus he had to look for potential political supporters first of all among the high ranking Hungarian civil servants. The latter, however, mostly deemed Palffy's aspiration to be definetely harmful on the chances of any future political settlement.

In recent decades, the United States has increasingly used the means of economic warfare in its geopolitical struggles. Among these instruments – in addition to the financial markets – it most often launches geoeconomic attacks in the oil market against its geopolitical adversaries. The United States can cause significant economic damage both for oil exporter (eg. Iran, Venezuela) and oil importer (eg. Cuba, North Korea) countries by restricting their access to oil markets.This paper analyzes the economic warfare in the oil market between the United States and Iran, Russia, and North Korea. Through these examples this paper demonstrates how the United States organizes and executes geoeconomic attacks in the oil market and how it handles country-specific problems. The United States has the means to organize broad international coalition alongside the oil market sanctions – even in the lack of UN Security Council resolutions.United Nations has decided on a number of economic sanctions against Iran because of its nuclear program. These sanctions reduced the supply in the world oil market and resulted in about 10-20% price increase, while Iran – despite of the sanctions – found the way to sell significant amount of oil, mainly to China and India.Russia is a member of the UN Security Council, so no UN sanctions can be imposed on it, nevertheless the United States and its allies launched a geoeconomics assault against Russia after the annexation of the Crimea. Russia was prepared for these economic sanctions and could effectively reduce the negative effects on its oil export, which could even increase after the western sanctions. North Korea is under UN sanctions since 2006 because of its nuclear program. The sanctions refer to oil and oil products as well, but has no significant effect on world oil market and oil price, because North Korea is a relatively small country with low oil consumption.North Korea is suffering a huge economic burden due to severe restrictions and its only way to circumvent the embargo – according to American accusations – is to smuggle some oil from China and Russia. ; In recent decades, the United States has increasingly used the means of economic warfare in its geopolitical struggles. Among these instruments – in addition to the financial markets – it most often launches geoeconomic attacks in the oil market against its geopolitical adversaries. The United States can cause significant economic damage both for oil exporter (eg. Iran, Venezuela) and oil importer (eg. Cuba, North Korea) countries by restricting their access to oil markets.This paper analyzes the economic warfare in the oil market between the United States and Iran, Russia, and North Korea. Through these examples this paper demonstrates how the United States organizes and executes geoeconomic attacks in the oil market and how it handles country-specific problems. The United States has the means to organize broad international coalition alongside the oil market sanctions – even in the lack of UN Security Council resolutions.United Nations has decided on a number of economic sanctions against Iran because of its nuclear program. These sanctions reduced the supply in the world oil market and resulted in about 10-20% price increase, while Iran – despite of the sanctions – found the way to sell significant amount of oil, mainly to China and India.Russia is a member of the UN Security Council, so no UN sanctions can be imposed on it, nevertheless the United States and its allies launched a geoeconomics assault against Russia after the annexation of the Crimea. Russia was prepared for these economic sanctions and could effectively reduce the negative effects on its oil export, which could even increase after the western sanctions. North Korea is under UN sanctions since 2006 because of its nuclear program. The sanctions refer to oil and oil products as well, but has no significant effect on world oil market and oil price, because North Korea is a relatively small country with low oil consumption.North Korea is suffering a huge economic burden due to severe restrictions and its only way to circumvent the embargo – according to American accusations – is to smuggle some oil from China and Russia.

As it has been already said in the 70's, the Hungarian football is ill, because it's players still lag behind their foreign counterparts. The sport professional and economical disadvantages of the Hungarian football against Western-European countries are still being felt today which have raised the need for comprehensive analysis of the Hungarian players market. The base of our research was the comparison to the neighbouring Croatian and Serbian championships by the following four aspects; the average age of the playerpool, the ratio of foreign players, the player's average market value and the transfer balance of the championships. We have determined that the Hungarian championship possess the worst conditions on every scale (oldest players, biggest foreign players ratio, lowest average market value, lowest transfer balance). Based on our research we have concluded, that the Hungarian players market falls under the category of "transferers", although the volume of the transfer should still be considered low. This can be explained by the fact, that the Hungarian players are not interested in signing abroad, because the players' salaries reach those of the smaller championships' ; Már a 70-es években elhangzott, hogy beteg a magyar labdarúgás, mert a magyar játékosok elmaradnak a külföldi társaiktól. Napjainkban továbbra is érzékeljük a magyar futball sportszakmai és gazdasági hátrányát a nyugat-európai országokétól, ezért merült fel a magyar játékospiac vizsgálatának szükségessége. A vizsgálatot a szomszédos horvát és szerb bajnokságok összehasonlításával végeztük el, négy szempont a játékoskeretek átlagéletkora, az idegenlégiósok aránya, a játékosok átlagos piaci értéke, illetve a bajnokságok transzferegyenlege alapján.Megállapítottuk, hogy minden viszonylatban a legrosszabb (legidősebb játékosok, legnagyobb idegenlégiós arány, legalacsonyabb átlagos piaci érték, legkisebb transzferegyenleg) kondíciókkal a magyar bajnokság rendelkezik. Kutatásunk alapján beazonosítottuk, hogy a magyar játékospiac a "szállítók" csoportjába tartozik, bár a szállítás volumene még alacsonynak tekinthető. Ezt többek között magyarázza az is, hogy a magyar játékosok nem érdekeltek a külföldre történő szerződésben, hiszen a játékosok fizetése eléri a kisebb bajnokságokban megszerezhető fizetések mértékét.

A publikáció felhívja a figyelmet a világgazdaságban létező gazdasági erőközpontok és a hozzájuk kapcsolódó peremterületek gazdasági szimbiózisának működési mechanizmusára. A centrum-periféria modellek segítségével mutatja be a gazdasági központok és perifériáik kapcsolatát, elemezi e régiók fejlődéséhez vezető okokat, az egymáshoz kötődő gazdasági kapcsolataikat. A cikk az Európai Unió központjának és perifériájának fejlődésére összpontosít, megvizsgálva e régiók gazdasági fejlődésének történelmi hátterét, hangsúlyozva az ipari forradalom jelentőségét Nyugat-Európában. A tanulmány kitér a német migrációs politika bemutatására a II. világháború végétől napjainkig. Elemezi a német statisztikai hivatal adatait, és bemutatja a Németországban élő külföldi népesség számának és arányának változását a 20. század második felében. A német migrációs politika ismertetése során a bevándorlási szabályok enyhítésének változását vizsgálja kitérve a 2015-ös migrációs válság hatásaira. A cikk bemutatja a német kormány előtt álló kihívásokat és a bevándorlók beilleszkedésének nehézségeit, a külföldi állampolgárok németországi kulturális hátterét, az egyes nemzetiségek számát és arányát a német társadalomban. A kiadvány a közép-európai államok gazdasági együttműködési rendszerén keresztül meghatározza a közép-európai feldolgozóipari központ államait és gazdasági szerepét az Európai Unióban, valamint rávilágít, hogy Németország a közép-európai régió gazdasági központja, amely beruházásai és termelési kapacitásainak bővítése révén meghatározza a visegrádi országok gazdasági fejlődését, és egy sajátos gazdasági centrum periféria kapcsolatrendszer kiépítéséhez vezet. The center-periphery models show the relationship between the economic centers and its periphery in the geographical area, analyze the reasons leading to the development and development of these regions and illustrate their economic relations with each other. The publication focuses on the development of the center and periphery of the European Union, examining the historical background of the economic development of these regions, emphasizing the importance of the industrial revolution in Western Europe. The aim of the study is to present the German migration policy from the end of the World War II to the present. It analyzes the data of the German statistical office and shows the changing of the number and proportion of foreign population living in Germany in the second half of the 20th century. During the presentation of the German migration policy discusses the study the process of easing immigration rules and the migration crisis in 2015. The article presents the challenges faced by the German government and the difficulties of integrating immigrants. It discusses the different cultural backgrounds of foreign citizens in Germany, lists the proportion of each nationality within German society. The publication describes the economic co-operation system of the Central European states and defines the states and economic role of the Central European manufacturing core in the European Union. The publication states that Germany is the economic center of the Central European region, which also determines the economic development of the Visegrad countrys by introducing production capacities.

A tanulmány célja a 2015-ben indult Modern városok program (MVP) iparfejlesztési elképzeléseinek kritikai elemzése a hazánkban kialakult függő piacgazdasági modell és a tartós gyengeségekkel küzdő fejlesztéspolitikai intézményrendszer tükrében. A gazdasági válság utáni Magyarországon a főáramú fejlesztéspolitikák kudarca, az ország gyenge felzárkózási teljesítménye növekvő érdeklődést eredményezett az alternatív gazdaságfejlesztési receptek iránt. Az új teret nyert developmentalista felfogás visszanyúl az erős állami beavatkozás ideájához, ezt azonban paradox módon olyan környezetben teszi, amelyben a gazdaság jelentős hányada külföldi beruházók kezében van, a hazai fejlesztéspolitika eszköz- és intézményrendszere pedig tartós és öröklődő gyengeségekkel küzd. A kormány és a fejlesztésre kijelölt megyei jogú városok külön megállapodásain nyugvó, uniós forrásokat újraelosztó Modern városok program projektszemléletű, vonásaiban a francia és a lengyel tervszerződésekhez hasonló (de azoknál gyengébb és esetlegesebb) fejlesztési eszközként, az új fejlesztési filozófia megtestesítőjeként jelent meg az állami cselekvésben. A program, bár elsősorban városfejlesztési eszköz, jelentős számban tartalmaz újraiparosításra irányuló vagy azt támogató fejlesztési célokat (77 projekt). A program elképzeléseit jelentős regionális különbségek fémjelzik. Az ország nyugati felében inkább a hagyományos fejlesztési eszközök alkalmazása és néhány tudásintenzív tevékenység letelepítésére irányuló törekvés figyelhető meg; a Dél-Alföldön és környezetében az endogén növekedési modell számára is kedvező komplex iparfejlesztési célok kerültek előtérbe; az ország ipari perifériáin azonban egyáltalán nem került sor igazi áttörést sejtető, előremutató fejlesztési célok megfogalmazására. Feltehető, hogy az MVP nyertesei elsősorban a már iparosodott vagy újraiparosodó térségek lesznek; a területi különbségek mérséklődése helyett a különbségek további növekedésére számíthatunk. A critical analysis of the Modern Cities Programme, a development programmelaunched by the Hungarian government in 2015, considers the reindustrialisation components as part of the debate on the varieties of capitalism (in particular the issue of Central and Eastern European dependent market economies) and the persisting institutional deficiencies in the Hungarian planning system. After the 2008 crisis, the low efficiency or failure of mainstream development policies and Hungary's poor convergence record have contributed to a growing interest in alternative development policies. The emerging development-policy vision is returning to the idea of strong state intervention, although paradoxically it continues to operate in an environment characterised by exceptionally high foreign participation in the economy, particularly in its most competitive segments. In addition, domestic development policy struggles with permanent and self-reinforcing institutional weaknesses that significantly reduce its effectiveness. The resulting re-centralisation has not only led to an increase in regional differences, but also to a further weakening of development institutions operating in cities and regions. Effective development systems (development coalitions and early-stage urban regimes) that are capable of setting and achieving coherent, systematic development goals exist only in a few select locations across the country. The Modern Cities Programme, essentially a redistribution of EU funds based on special agreements between the central government and the major Hungarian cities, is a project-based development agenda that somewhat resembles French and Polish planning contracts, albeit in a diluted and less coherent form. As an instrument of development policy, it fits into the new etatist development philosophy. Although the programme is predominantly an instrument of urban development, it also includes 77 projects directly or indirectly related to reindustrialisation. These initiatives focus mainly on improving transport links, developing specific sectors, vocational training, education and a limited R&D+I component. The programme characteristics vary greatly from region to region. In the western half of the country, traditional development instruments predominate with limited evidence of attempts at building up knowledge-intensive activities. In the Southern Great Plain, also complex industrial development goals are found that are conducive to endogenous growth, partly reflecting the lack of FDI in the region and a more SME-based development trajectory. The programme has not been able to realise favourable reindustrialisation initiatives in the peripheral industrial areas of Hungary. The fact that the programme tended to benefit 'winners' is likely to increase existing development gaps rather than reduce existing regional disparities.