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ABSTRACT This paper analyzes the situation of some states (Abkhazia, Nagorno Karabakh, South Ossetia and Transnistria), de facto independent after the dissolution of the USSR, which have been being in a limbo for 25 years, hovering between being considered 'fake states' and from getting the international legal status to which aspire. There is the problem of identifying the objective requirements for their largely recognition, which otherwise remains merely a discretionary choice of the other actors in the international society, based on purely political requirements and economic interests. In a world made up of states, which are the main actors on the international stage, how can these entities get the 'certification' of de jure sovereign states? RESUMO Este artigo analisa a situação de alguns Estados (Abkhazia, Nagorno Karabakh, Ossétia do Sul e Transnístria), de facto independentes depois da dissolução da URSS, que estão há cerca de 25 anos no limbo, oscilando entre ser considerados 'Estados falsos' e recebendo o status legal internacional a que aspiram. Existe o problema de identificar os requisitos objetivos para o seu reconhecimento, em grande parte, que de outra forma parece apenas uma escolha discricionária dos outros atores na comunidade internacional, com base em requisitos puramente políticos e interesses econômicos. Num mundo feito de Estados, que são os principais actores na cena internacional, como podem estas entidades obter a 'certificação' de Estados soberanos de jure? ; "The Birth of a (Fake?) Nation at the Aftermath of the Decomposition of USSR. The Unsolved Issue of Post-Soviet 'Frozen Conflicts'" (O Nascimento de uma (Falsa?) Nação no Seguimento da Decomposição da URSS. A Questão não Resolvida de Conflitos Pós-Soviéticos 'Congelados'), in Proelium: Revista da Academia Militar n. 10 (January 2016) "Relações internacionais e estudos de segurança", Serie X (10), pp. 161-178 (ISSN 1645-8826), idexed in Latindex: 14377. Link to download this paper ...

В статье рассматриваются малоизвестные отечественной историографии мемуары, вышедшие из-под пера военных деятелей Великобритании, принимавших участие в интервенции на Северо-Западе России. Вмешательство иностранных держав было одним из ключевых факторов в развитии событий Гражданской войны в этом регионе. Представители держав Антанты, в первую очередь Великобритания, оказывали разностороннюю поддержку Белому движению, но единства целей и подлинного взаимопонимания между союзниками достичь не удалось. Взаимные обиды и претензии впоследствии нашли свое отражение на страницах мемуаров. Жесткой критике было подвергнуто Белое движение и его лидеры в воспоминаниях главы союзной миссии в Прибалтике Г. Гофа, опубликованных в 1950-е годы. При этом их автор умалчивал о некоторых сюжетах, которые могли негативно характеризовать его собственные действия по отношению к белогвардейцам. Гоф был отстранен от руководства союзной миссией в силу своей неспособности наладить нормальные отношения с Белым движением, его сменил генерал Р. Хэйкинг. При общем пренебрежительно-озлобленном отношении Гофа к белым, довольно неожиданным представляется его одобрительный отзыв о личности генерала Н. Н. Юденича. Нелестные оценки Белого движения на Северо-Западе и его лидеров можно найти в мемуарах капитана О. Эгара «Случай на Балтике. Классика разведывательных операций в русских водах». В статье также учтены оценки Белого движения, оставленные командующим союзной эскадрой в Балтийском море У. Кауэном. Основным камнем преткновения стал вопрос о независимости прибалтийских государств. Можно констатировать полное отсутствие взаимопонимания между представителями Антанты и белогвардейцами. Составить объективную картину событий на Северо-Западе на основании оценок англичан невозможно. Но именно на их основе во многом формировались образ Белого движения и отношение к нему на Западе. ; The article focuses on the little-known to Russian historiography memoirs which were written by UK men of arms who had participated in the intervention in the Northwest of Russia. The intervention of foreign countries was one of the key factors during the course of the events of the Civil War in the region. Representatives of the Allied powers, fi rst of all, the UK had been supporting the White movement in lots of ways, but in fact the unity of purpose and a genuine understanding between the allies could not have been reached. One of the main difficulties was the inability to fi nd an appropriate way to solve the question of the independence of Baltic States and Finland. Mutual resentment and accusations subsequently have been refl ected in the memoirs. The White movement and its leaders were harshly criticized in the memoirs of the head of an Allied Military Mission to the Baltic H. Gough published in 1950s. However, their author remains silent about those subjects that could have negatively characterized his own actions against the Whites. Gough was relieved of his duties as a head of the Allied Mission due to his inability to establish normal relations with the White movement. Gough was replaced by General R. Haking. The memoirs of A. Agar («Baltic Episode. A Classic of Secret Service in Russian Waters») are also highly critical towards the White movement. The author of the article also takes into account the opinion about the Whites of W. Cowan, the chief commander of the Allied squadron in the Baltic. British military memoirists were unable to create a deliberated and objective picture of the White movement in the Northwest of Russia due to the prejudices of their opinions. However their perception of the Whites has played an important role in creating the image of the White movement in the West.

The author, who has served as US ambassador to Tanzania (and Sudan and Somalia), tells the story of the Zanzibar revolution of 1964. He says: "I recount what happened in that time at that place form the vantage point of the handful of Americans who were caught up in the revolution turbulence. I have also composed an account of the grave concern within the American and British governments about the events in Zanzibar in 1964 and 1965." Indeed, in the eyes of Western capital the island became a potentially cancerous base for the communist subversion of mainland Africa. In this sense the book also shows how profoundly Cold War considerations affected U.S. foreign policy in Africa. (DÜI-Sbd)

Ethnic conflicts in the Rift Valley, Nyanza, and Western provinces of Kenya in 1991-1993 resulted in the significant displacement of an estimated 260.000 people. The objective of this programme presented in this report is relief and rehabilitation assistance to clash-affected areas and communities drawing on the capacities of the Government of Kenya, the NGOs, the churches and the communities involved. The programme shall enhance the process of mediation and reconciliation and enable communities to cope with the influx of returning or arriving populations; it will also coordinate the immediate relief and rehabilitation for support for displaced persons and affected communities with the organizations concerned and prepare the base for a return to sustainable development. (DÜI-Hff)

Politicians often seek to strengthen national identity by encouraging immigrants to adopt the 'national values', thus supposedly boosting trust. However, empirical studies of the social effects of national identity have focused almost exclusively on the native majority. In this article, we instead ask how national identity among immigrant minorities affects their trust, including towards natives. We draw on unique survey data from a representative sample of the five largest non-Western immigrant groups and their descendants in Denmark. This reveals that national belonging, national pride and citizenship preferences are positively linked to social as well as institutional trust. These relationships hold even when controlling for the perception of sharing one's values with others and the extent to which one holds 'typically Danish' values widely shared among the majority population. This suggests that the emotional component of national identity, but not its content in the form of values, indeed forms an important basis for social cohesion.

Özet Avrupa Birliği'nin (AB) Ortak Dış ve Güvenlik Politikası'nın tamamlayıcı bir parçası olan Avrupa Güvenlik ve Savunma Politikası (AGSP), AB'ye operasyonel nitelikte askeri ve sivil yetenekler sağlamaktadır. AGSP, AB üyelerinin kolektif savunması ile ilgili olmayan, temelde askeri ve sivil kriz yönetimine odaklanan bir politikadır. AB'nin operasyonel AGSP çerçevesinde güvenlik alanında "özerk" hareket etme kapasitesine sahip kılınması, Avro-Atlantik topluluğunun "eylem araçlarının geliştirilmesi" ve "yük ve sorumlulukların" daha dengeli paylaşılması olarak algılanabilir. Batı dünyasının çıkarlarını korumada AB ile NATO tamamlayıcı nitelikte fonksiyonlar üstlenmiştir. Esasında AGSP, Avro-Atlantik ittifakının kapsamlı amaçları ve görevlerinin gerçekleştirilmesi için Avrupalı müttefiklerin özel katkısıdır. AGSP, AB'ye yeni görevler ve artı meşruiyet sağlamakta, ayrıca etkili AGSP aracılığıyla Amerika ile Avrupa arasında daha dengeli ortaklık ilişkilerinin kurulması hedeflenmektedir. NATO'dan 'özerk', fakat NATO-endeksli AGSP, Batı hakimiyetinin gelecekte de devamını sağlama amacı taşıyan bir araç olarak görülebilir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Avrupa güvenliği, Avrupa Güvenlik ve Savunma Politikası, Avro-Atlantik ittifakı, Batı hakimiyeti Abstract The European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP) being an integral part of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union (EU), provides the EU with an operational military and civil capacity in dealing with so-called "new threats". The ESDP does not relate to the collective defense. Endowing the EU with the capacity for "autonomous" action in security field in the result of establishing the operational ESDP may be regarded as an effort in implementing a more balanced "burden and responsibility sharing" and improving the necessary instruments within the Euro-Atlantic community. In essence, the ESDP is the distinctive European contribution to the overall objectives of the Euro-Atlantic alliance. The functions of the EU and NATO in defending the interests of the West ...

Seit der Wiedervereinigung hat sich die Bundesrepublik enorm verändert. Über Nacht ist die Berliner Republik aus dem Windschatten der Geschichte getreten und hat die Rolle einer europäischen Großmacht mit weltpolitischem Gewicht übernommen. Die Probleme der "inneren Einheit" belasteten die Bundesrepublik: Ist Deutschland ein zwischen Ost und West gespaltenes Land geblieben? Pessimismus und Populismus drohen die Republik zu beschädigen. Wie ist es nach 9/11, dem Afghanistan-Krieg, der Finanzkrise, den NSU-Terrormorden und der rechten Radikalisierung, dem Ende der Ära Merkel und dem Beginn der ersten "Ampel"-Koalition um die deutsche Demokratie bestellt? Edgar Wolfrum schildert die Ereignisse und Akteure prägnant, nimmt erste Bewertungen vor und entfaltet das gesellschaftspolitische wie zeitgeschichtliche Panorama der vergangenen 30 Jahre. Ein Ausblick auf die deutsche Zeitgeschichte und ein würdiger Abschluss der 10. Auflage des Gebhardt.

Intro -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- 1. Putin's War on Ukraine -- 2. Russia Tries to Overturn the Euro-Maidan Revolution -- 3. Brinkmanship and the Unfreezing of the Ukraine War -- 4. The "Special Military Operation" Begins -- 5. Russia Downsizes its Goals in Ukraine -- 6. Russia's Summer War -- 7. Counter-Offensive and Mobilisation -- 8. Russia's Isolation from the West and the Post-Soviet Space -- 9. Russia Pivots to the East -- 10. The Resilience of Russia's Influence in the Global South -- Conclusion -- Notes -- Index -- Back Cover.

Metaphysics of Eroticism: Sex and Gender as Principles of Ontology in Ibn al-ʿArabī (d. 1240) -- Decolonize Your Body -- Against Homosexuality: Patriarchal Islam, US Muslims, and Religious Debate -- LGBTTQI* as Part of the Muslim Community -- Nothing Left to Save: On the Collapse of the Catholic Sexuality Dispositif -- Gender Justice and Religion in Muslim Theological Discourses and in the Social Reality of Young Muslim* Women in Germany: a Religious Education Challenge -- How Diverse are Eve and Adam? Gender, Religion and (Western) Modernity.

Was bedeutete Migration in Europa nach 1945? Bisherige Arbeiten zur Migrationsgeschichte verbleiben entweder im nationalen Rahmen oder untersuchen transnationale Organisationen und Prozesse. Kaum finden sich Studien, die diese Ebenen kombinieren. Im vorliegenden Band werden nun Migrationsprozesse und Migrationspolitik in 13 Ländern Europas von der Nachkriegszeit bis in die Gegenwart untersucht. Dabei geht es zum einen um die Migrationsprozesse selbst, um staatliche und behördliche Regulierungsversuche und deren Auswirkungen sowie um die Reaktionen der Einwanderungsgesellschaften und die der Migranten. Der Schwerpunkt liegt dabei auf der Perspektive der Nationalstaaten, um Gemeinsamkeiten und Unterschiede, Parallelen und Sonderwege zu identifizieren, Vergleiche zu ermöglichen und transnationale Prozesse zu erkennen. Vor allem zwischen den west- und osteuropäischen Ländern lassen sich dabei unterschiedliche Phasen erkennen zwischen Nachkriegs- und postkolonialer Migration, Arbeitsmigration, Binnenmigration, vor allem in der Sowjetunion, Ein- und Auswanderungsprozessen nach dem Zusammenbruch der Sowjetimperiums und der Migration aus den Bürgerkriegsstaaten, vor allem aus Syrien und Afghanistan, nach 2010.

Die wachsende Kluft zwischen technologischer Entwicklung und der Entwicklung rechtlicher und politischer Strukturen stellt Europa vor neue geopolitische Herausforderungen. Ausgehend von einer Neuinterpretation des juristischen Nihilismus argumentiert der Autor für eine europäische Verfassungslehre, die in erster Linie den Schutz europäischer Interessen und Werte konzentriert bleiben sollte. Hierbei werden die militärischen, kulturellen, politischen und technischen Perspektiven europäischer Verteidigung untersucht. Die Kriege und geopolitischen Krisen der 2020er Jahre haben zu einer raschen Politisierung der europäischen Öffentlichkeit geführt, die auf das entscheidende Interesse des gesamten Westens reagiert. Insgesamt erweisen sich die Demokratien als weitaus widerstandsfähiger als zunächst erwartet. Ciro Sbailò ist Professor für vergleichendes öffentliches Recht und Dekan der Fakultät für Politikwissenschaft und psychosoziale Studien an der Universität für Internationale Studien in Rom – UNINT.

Der "Deutsch-türkische Divan" bildet mit dem "Mädchen aus der Fremde" (2008) und "Goethe" (2014) eine interkulturelle literaturwissenschaftliche Trilogie. Behandelt werden, aus deutscher Sicht, einige moderne türkische Autoren von Nâzım Hikmet bis Orhan Pamuk. Umfassend vorgestellt wird das Gesamtwerk der türkisch-deutschen Autorin Emine Sevgi Özdamar. Exemplarisch beleuchtet wird Türkisches in deutscher Literatur: von Goethes Verwandlung einer osmanisch-bosnischen Ballade zu Weltliteratur und seiner poetischen Kommentierung Istanbuler Fatwa-Sprüche im West-östlichen Divan über Brentanos erzählerische Inszenierung des Teufels als Türke bis zu einem ebenso erschütternden wie vergessenen Istanbul-Roman aus der Zeit Fontanes. Es folgt ein Überblick über Versuche in der internationalen Literatur, den Völkermord an den Armeniern darzustellen. Akademische, journalistische, poetische Gelegenheitstexte aus einem deutsch-türkischen Germanistenleben bilden den Abschluss.