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Examines liberal democracy in relation to the European tradition from whence it sprung & enumerates the biggest differences between the historical forms of democracy & its modern guise. According to the author, the authentic enemies of modern liberal democracy are fascism & bolshevism. He summarizes his analyses into three points. (1) In western countries the principles of democracy have mostly been realized in the course of a long genesis following the conflict with monarchist absolutism & more recently, with fascism. (2) In the philosophy of modern day politics, mostly formal & quantitative aspects of democratic processes have been analyzed, which is the biggest shortcoming of these theories. That is why the author proposes an analysis of meaningful aspects of liberal democracy. (3) Focus is on the analysis of freedom & democracy as forms of the organization of political life of major human groups characteristic for the industrial age & modern capitalism. At the end of his study the author puts some light on the relationship between liberalism & democracy by describing the hermeneutical functions of morality in the modern age. The political culture & moral consciousness represent the base for the functioning of mediatory democracy. The hermeneutical nature of moral consciousness allows modern democracy to develop a practical relationship with its tradition without which it cannot function, as has been the case with those states in which democracy is being introduced today. Adapted from the source document.

The essay first highlights certain basic features of the attitude of European immigrant countries toward the new (migrant) ethnic minorities in their midst, the attitude that at the same time is indicative of the existence of various forms of ethnicity in the development of the European nation-states. The differences in individual "national responses" regarding the existence of new ethnic communities reflect differences in understanding of the ethnic/national identity of individual countries. The author then addresses specifically the presence of the Muslim population in West European countries, the population that -- perhaps more than any other group of "aliens" -- is torn between the West European practice of racial & increasingly cultural discrimination & a universal Western belief in the tradition of liberalism, pluralism, & democracy. In connection with this, the role of Islam & the "Muslim" identity in the Muslim communities in West European countries are analyzed. 15 References. Adapted from the source document.

The essay first highlights certain basic features of the attitude of European immigrant countries toward the new (migrant) ethnic minorities in their midst, the attitude that at the same time is indicative of the existence of various forms of ethnicity in the development of the European nation-states. The differences in individual "national responses" regarding the existence of new ethnic communities reflect differences in understanding of the ethnic/national identity of individual countries. The author then addresses specifically the presence of the Muslim population in West European countries, the population that -- perhaps more than any other group of "aliens" -- is torn between the West European practice of racial & increasingly cultural discrimination & a universal Western belief in the tradition of liberalism, pluralism, & democracy. In connection with this, the role of Islam & the "Muslim" identity in the Muslim communities in West European countries are analyzed. 15 References. Adapted from the source document.

Historically & geographically, the transitional countries of Central, Eastern, & Southeastern Europe, created by the collapse of the real-socialist system, have always been oriented toward the West European markets & eager to create close economic & political ties with the EU member countries & to be integrated into the Western economic system. The EU leaders are well aware of the economic hardships these new transitional countries are faced with, & realize that it will take them several years to adjust to the new system of values & behavior. With this in mind, they came up with a proposal to create an integration of these transitional countries under the advisory leadership, & with the active help, of the EU economic agencies. One of the positive goals of the idea of integration by means of CEFTA was to establish a relatively homogeneous economic entity & create the conditions necessary for future successful economic cooperation with the EU. The cooperation of the transitional countries & the EU so far has shown some promise, but also some shortcomings, which ought to be eliminated, or at least have their negative consequences minimized. There are two types of shortcomings -- institutional & the material -- & they depend on the degree of development of a transitional country, its legal norms, & other (political, social, & cultural) noneconomic factors. 2 Tables. Adapted from the source document.

The process of European integrations, with growing political, economic, & security interdependence of member states is designed in such a way that, among other things, it can eventually result in developing a collective approach to defense, whose features would be a far cry from any other form of traditional alliances. The signatories of the Maastricht Agreement vowed to shape a common defense policy that would in time lead to the common defense. The common defense policy, whose structure would be built on the basis of the models & trends of the defense policies of the leading West European countries, should evolve as an integral part of EU's common foreign & security policy. It should address all the aspects of the use of military power, & it will require an analysis of a broad spectrum of possible scenarios that may pose a threat to EU's security. EU countries have demonstrated certain shortcomings in their military capacities, eg, transport equipment & other capacities for deployment. Although in the economic field they have achieved consensus on numerous issues, it is obvious that defense issues such as nuclear weapons, professionalization of the military, & the policies of defense industry are still a major bone of contention for EU members. Though EU, WEU, & NATO represent only a segment of the European security architecture, they will most probably serve as the key institutional framework for the development of a common defense policy & common defense. Further expansion of this triangular institutional framework is going to be interdependent, mutually supportive, & parallel. 20 References. Adapted from the source document.

The private vs public sources utilized in financing electoral campaigns & political parties in various countries are compared, focusing on the situation in Croatia & major Western democracies. A table showing the introduction of public financing of political parties in individual countries in the second half of the 20th century is produced, & the enactment of laws & regulations limiting the amount of donations by individuals & corporations, controlling the raising & spending of funds, & ensuring a transparency in the finances allocated for electoral campaigns is discussed. In the US, political parties & elections are financed largely from private funds, although public matching programs are available & legal mechanisms are in place imposing limits on private donations & regulating their use. Similar processes are at work in Canada, Australia, & some European countries, eg, the Netherlands. In Austria, Italy, Germany, & Sweden, political parties rely mostly on subsidies from the state budget. In the UK, the Labour Party is financed by labor unions, while the Conservative Party by big business. Unlike in the West, the financing of political parties in Croatia remains unregulated. The absence of proper laws & regulations removes the funding of the parties & their electoral campaigns & the ways in which they raise & distribute donations from public scrutiny. 1 Table, 25 References. Adapted from the source document.

The paper deals with the factors that determine the scope of the participation of women in parliamentary decision making. That scope depends, on the one hand, on the self-organization of women (in the US), & on the other, on the intervention of political agencies (the state, as is the case in socialist countries, or political parties, as is the case in Western democracies). Without either, the percentage of women participating in politics is drastically reduced (which happened in the countries in transition). 1 Table, 2 Graphs, 12 References. Adapted from the source document.

The disintegration of communist societies is a continuation of the processes that were interrupted when the communist parties came to power with their programs of radical changes aimed at erasing all the social relationships that had been developed within a civil society. The author does not contest the thesis that the development of bourgeois countries is a historical rule, but he stresses that the problems of postcommunism cannot be solved by simply imitating everything from the West. The East European countries will have to undergo the same historical processes as the West, but in their own manner. The phase in which national states are formed cannot be avoided, & it does carry certain risks. Potential conflict situations cannot be avoided by stopping the processes put into motion by the fall of communism because this would produce an opposite effect. The author contests the opinion of the advocates of large integrative wholes who assert that the communist federations have disintegrated as a consequence of the activities of the nationalists & the national movements. He shows that disintegration represented an inseparable part of the dissolution of the old political order. Adapted from the source document.

The author considers Croatia's priority in foreign affairs to be the establishment of peace & reintegration of occupied Croatian territory. The international community lent its support to solving Croatia's problems only with certain conditions attached: respect for human & democratic rights, especially the rights of minorities; & respect for the integrity of other countries. The basic problem faced by the international community is that since the end of the East-West polar orientations, there is no concept for solving the conflicts that have erupted in postcommunist countries. In Croatia, the war was viewed (wrongly) as a civil war. The controversy in the Croatian policy, as seen by the author, is in the requirement for absolute adherence to democratic principles, which is difficult to realize in times of war, & in the acceptance of complete democracy as a precondition to peaceful reintegration of occupied Croatian territory. Adapted from the source document.

The author sets forth & comments on the provocative argument by Charles Tilly in Globalization Threatens Labor's Rights (1995). Tilly's argument focuses on the problems ensuing from the emergence of global economy. He claims that global capitalism represents a challenge to the importance of national states. Labor rights are protected at the level of national states; consequently, the process jeopardizing national states also threatens the rights they protect. The most intriguing part of Tilly's theory is the link between labor rights & democracy. He wants to show how the process of the democratization of the European national states went "hand in hand" with the struggle for labor rights. Workers were potential voters, & their movement insisted on democratization. Labor rights & democracy were linked during their rise & will be linked in their fall. The breakdown of labor rights is the first sign of the breakdown of the Western-type liberal democracies. The author shows how Tilly's exhortation hurts the postsocialist countries more than the functional Western-type national states. 8 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author sets forth & comments on the provocative argument by Charles Tilly in Globalization Threatens Labor's Rights (1995). Tilly's argument focuses on the problems ensuing from the emergence of global economy. He claims that global capitalism represents a challenge to the importance of national states. Labor rights are protected at the level of national states; consequently, the process jeopardizing national states also threatens the rights they protect. The most intriguing part of Tilly's theory is the link between labor rights & democracy. He wants to show how the process of the democratization of the European national states went "hand in hand" with the struggle for labor rights. Workers were potential voters, & their movement insisted on democratization. Labor rights & democracy were linked during their rise & will be linked in their fall. The breakdown of labor rights is the first sign of the breakdown of the Western-type liberal democracies. The author shows how Tilly's exhortation hurts the postsocialist countries more than the functional Western-type national states. 8 References. Adapted from the source document.

The authors analyze the evolution & the strength of the political parties as actors in the processes of democratic transition & consolidation in Hungary. Their starting point is that the political parties in transitional countries are faced with the same rivals in the political arena as the parties in the West: powerful interest groups, the increasing market competition, the supranational media, & the state administration. The authors conclude that the parties in Hungary, though not as stable & as developed, are nevertheless dominant in shaping & controlling the political processes in that country. The reason for that primarily lies in the fact that the party system systematically generates very competitive elections, clear alternations of the parties in power, & a strong link between the electoral outcomes & the government composition. Being in the position to shape the contemporary political & social transformation of their countries, these political parties find themselves in an excellent position to sui generis set up party systems in their societies. 4 Tables, 51 References. Adapted from the source document.

The majority of Central & Eastern European countries, such as Poland, Bulgaria, Romania, Croatia, Slovenia, & Serbia, adopted mixed governmental systems, better known as semipresidential, in their transitions to democracy. The author analyzes the attributes of semipresidential systems from the basis of Western European experience, first & foremost those of the German Weimar & the French Fifth Republic. Semipresidential systems are unstable because they allow too many diverging political games, may create a dangerous political climate in situations of cohabitation, tend to increase presidential powers beyond those granted by the constitution, &, in times of political crises, do not allow for compromise of political powers. The author concludes that semipresidential systems are not suitable for consolidating democracy. 1 Table, 51 References. Adapted from the source document.

As a democratic & economically developed country, whose interests are not any different from those of Western democratic states, the Republic of Croatia may be a decisive factor in the future processes of stabilization in the region. It occupies a very important place in the regional geopolitical structures & might influence the future development of the neighboring countries & regions, especially through the continuation of democratic transition & the improvement of the relations with its neighbors. Hence, the importance of its policies. Its future geopolitical initiatives regarding the stabilization & security of the region can be viewed in relation to their importance within global & regional geopolitical structures, to its participation in the processes of the fragmentation of Southeastern Europe, & to its geographical, cultural/religious, & historical/geopolitical environment. 3 Figures. Adapted from the source document.