Indigenous Rights in Western Countries
In: Harvard international review, Band 35, Heft 3, S. 44-47
ISSN: 0739-1854
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In: Harvard international review, Band 35, Heft 3, S. 44-47
ISSN: 0739-1854
In: Kazoku shakaigaku kenkyū, Band 23, Heft 2, S. 182-185
ISSN: 1883-9290
In: Current anthropology, Band 20, Heft 2, S. 397-397
ISSN: 1537-5382
In: Family, ties and care: family transformation in a plural modernity ; the Freiberger survey about familiy transformation in an international comparison, S. 85-97
In: International migration: quarterly review, Band 5, Heft 1, S. 22-37
ISSN: 1468-2435
In: Journal of European social policy, Band 30, Heft 3, S. 261-274
ISSN: 1461-7269
This article examines the impact of the two world wars on welfare legislation in 16 western countries. We use Poisson regressions to test our hypothesis that war was a catalyst of welfare legislation, especially in countries that were heavily exposed to the dreadful effects of war. By welfare legislation, we mean the inaugural adoption and major reforms across four programmes (old age and disability benefits, sickness and maternity benefits, unemployment compensation and family allowances). Our findings suggest that both world wars are key factors for explaining the timing of comprehensive welfare reforms and outweigh the significance of other factors such as regime type or level of economic development.
In: American political science review, Band 49, Heft 4, S. 1022-1041
ISSN: 1537-5943
There is wide recognition that in the non-Western world profound social and cultural changes are taking place as traditional societies have been exposed to the ideas and the ways of the West. There is also general agreement that new political patterns and relationships are evolving in these countries. However, with respect to most non-Western countries, it remains difficult to foresee whether the consequences of social change are to be stable, viable political practices or endemic instabilities in government. In many cases, it is still an open question whether the future will bring them a liberal democratic form of politics or some type of authoritarian rule such as communism.This state of affairs can be a challenge to the comparative method of political analysis. This is particularly so because most of the non-Western political systems have many features in common. They are generally the product of a traditional past in which the administration of government was the preserve of a select few. Many show the influence of a previous colonial rule, some even that of the same country. More important, they are often quite self-conscious about the problem of moving from a definite past to an idealized future.
In: International journal of intelligence and counterintelligence, Band 32, Heft 3, S. 433-447
ISSN: 1521-0561
In: Mobility & Politics
Part I: Introduction -- Chapter 1. Return Migration and Crises in Non-Western Countries: Introduction - Jungwon Yeo -- Part II: Cases of Return Migration and Crises in Non-Western Countries -- Chapter 2: A Generation of Crisis-Responsive Reintegration in Migration Management: Reflections from the Philippines - Cherry Amor D. Yap & Jeremaiah M. Opiniano -- Chapter 3: Does Environmental Uncertainty Affect the Remigration Intention of Chinese Migrant Workers in the Pandemic? - Ai-xiang Zheng, & Hai-bo Zhang -- Chapter 4: Soft Power Amidst a Crisis: Return Migration and India's Soft- Power in the Persian Gulf - Sabith Khan -- Chapter 5: Reasons for Leaving and Coming Back: Migration Experiences of High Skilled Professionals from Lithuania - Eglė Vaidelytė, Eglė Butkevičienė, & Jolanta Vaičiūnienė -- Chapter 6: Lives on Hold Between the European Union and Ukraine: Ukrainian Migrants' Return Before and After the War - Jungwon Yeo & Olga Pysmenna -- Chapter 7: Family Return Migration from Europe to Turkey in the Time of Crises - Filiz Kunuroglu & Demet Vural Yüzbaşı -- Chapter 8: Crisis, Circular Systems and Return: A Case Study of Morocco - Frances D. Loustau-Williams & Abderrahim Zouggaghi -- Chapter 9: Building a new home: modes of incorporation for 1.5-generation return migrants in Mexico - Mónica Liliana Jacobo-Suárez -- Chapter 10: Venezuelan Migration in Peru: Exploring the Causes for Venezuelans' Return Migration - Maritza Concha & Rasha Mannaa -- Chapter 11: Return Migration and Return Intention in Times of Crisis: Dominican Return during the COVID-19 Pandemic - Carlos Manuel Abaunza -- Part III: Conclusion -- Chapter 12: Return Migration and Crises in Non-Western Countries: Contributions and Lessons Learned - Jungwon Yeo. .
A long standing area of debate in Western countries is that of the appropriate philosophy for facilitating large scale immigration; should immigrants preserve their traditions and culture while living in the host country (integration/multiculturalism) or should they assimilate themselves into the ways and manners of their hosts? The ways that nations go about resolving this issue goes to the heart of internal policy formulation on immigration but is also influential to the image that the country projects overseas. Countries are often labeled according to the official views of their Governments. For example, France might be classed as essentially assimilationist and Britain as multi-cultural, whereas the Netherlands and Germany might be seen as somewhere between the two, but how did these policy differences come about and do they accurately reflect the views of the majority of residents of the various countries? This paper addresses part of this issue by seeking to identify and analyse the characteristics of those people in Western countries who think that immigrants should assimilate culturally and how they differ from those who think that immigrants should preserve a separate cultural existence? By doing so, it seeks to explain why these inter-country differences in views exist and whether they are caused primarily by attribute effects (the composition of the population) or by coefficient effects (the strength of the views they hold). This study exploits a unique set of data provided by The Human Beliefs and Values Survey to identify and to estimate the strength of those factors which lead people to favour cultural integration over multiculturalism for immigrants. In doing so, it provides Governments with a snapshot of contemporary views on this increasingly important issue and how these views may shift as demographic characteristics alter.
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In: Wicksell lectures 1972